From Generation to Generation

Age Groups and Social Structure

S. N. Eisenstadt

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2013
• eBook ISBN: 9781136247811
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Sociology
• Index: Social Sciences

First published in 1998. This is Volume IX of the fifteen in the Sociology of Gender and the Family series and explores age groups and social structure from generation to generation. The purpose of this book is to analyze the various social phenomena known as age groups, youth movements, etc., and to ascertain whether it is possible to specify the social conditions under which they arise or the types of societies in which they occur. It is the m ain thesis of this book that the existence of these groups is n o t fortuitous or random, and that they arise and exist only under very specific social conditions. The authors have also attempted to show that the analysis of these conditions is not only of purely antiquarian or ethnological interest, but that it can also shed light on the understanding of the conditions of stability and continuity of social systems.

CHAPTER I

Age Groups and Social Structure:
The Problem

I Age and differences of age are among the most basic and crucial aspects of human life and determinants of human destiny. Every human being passes through different ages within his lifetime, and at each age he attains and uses different biological and intellectual capacities. Every stage in this progression constitutes an irreversible step in the unfolding of his life from its beginning to its end. At each stage he performs different tasks and roles in relation to other members of his society: from a child he becomes a father; from a pupil, a teacher; from a vigorous youth, a gradually aging adult.

The gradual progression and unfolding of power and capacities is not merely a universal, biologically conditioned (inescapable) fact. Although the basic biological processes are probably more or less similar in all human societies, their cultural definition varies—in details at least—from society to society, and all of them have to cope with the problems ensuing from this fact of age. Exactly what these problems are we shall try to explain a little later. At this point it is important for us to see that in every human society this biological process of transition through different age stages, the process of growing up and of aging, is subject to cultural definitions. It becomes a basis for defining human beings, for the formation of mutual relationships and activities, and for the differential allocation of social roles. Although the significance of different ages and the extent and boundaries of the years which form relatively unitary age categories or age grades vary from society to society, we know of no society¹ which does not differentiate between various “ages” and does not define them through the norms and values of its cultural tradition. In every society the basic and common biological facts are marked by a set of cultural definitions which ascribe to each age grouping (or, to use the more technical term, age grade²) its basic characteristics.

What is the general nature of these characteristics? Despite the great variety of detail, some common features can be discerned. An “age grade” is usually defined in the broad terms of a general “human type,” and not of any specific, detailed trait or role. The vigorous young warriors of a primitive tribe, the “wise old men,” do not refer to any detailed, specific activities, but to a more general, diffuse pattern of behavior that is proper to a man at a given stage of life. It is true, of course, that sometimes specific activities are thought to be characteristic of a given age, such as excelling in the warlike courage of the young, exhibiting physical prowess, etc. These activities, however, are not the only specific traits which by themselves define the “nature” of a given age; they serve, rather, as symbolic, sometimes even ritual, expressions of a more general pattern of behavior. A cultural definition of an age grade or age span is always a broad definition of human potentialities and obligations at a given stage of life. It is not a prescription or expectation of a detailed role, but of general, basic role dispositions into which more specific roles may be built, and to which they may be ascribed.* At the same time it is not merely a classificatory category as it is sometimes used in statistical censuses. However explicit its formulations, it always involves an evaluation of the meaning and importance of the given age for the individual and for society, thus giving it a fully ideological connotation. It contains certain definite expectations of future activities, and of relationships with other people at the same or at different stages of their life career. In terms of these definitions people map out, as it were, the broad contours of human life, of their own expectations and possibilities, and place themselves and their fellow-men in various positions, ascribing to each a given place within these contours.

This brings us to the second basic characteristic of the role expectations of age grades, namely, that no such single expectation stands alone, but always constitutes part of a series. The characteristics of one age grade cannot be fully understood except in their relation to those of other ages. Whether seen as a gradually unfolding continuum or as a series of sharp contrasts and opposed characteristics, they are fully explained and understood only in terms of each other. The boy is seen to bear within himself the seeds of the adult man; or else he must, as an adult, acquire new patterns of behavior sharply and intentionally opposed to those of his boyhood. The adult either develops naturally into an old man or decays into one. (But the one can be understood only in terms of its relation to the other.) Only when taken together do they constitute the entire map of human possibilities, of the potentials of human life; and as every individual usually has to pass through all of them, their complementariness and continuity (even if defined in discontinuous, contrasting terms³) become obvious.

The same holds true—although perhaps with a somewhat different meaning—for the age definitions of the two sexes. Each age grade is differently defined for each sex, and these definitions are usually related and complementary, as the “sexual image” and identity always constitute a basic element of man's image in every society.

II How can we explain the universal fact that in every society age differences and similarities enter into the formation of that society's “human images,” into the cultural definition of man's life and destiny? And why are these definitions always diffuse and complementary?

It seems that these facts are rooted in some of the necessities and exigencies of social life. The main preconditions of these universal facts are the following: (a) the plasticity of human nature; (b) the exigencies of socialization and learning; and (c) mortality and population changes within the social system.

One of the main tasks facing every society and social system, is to provide for the perpetuation of its own structure, norms, values, etc., in spite of the changes continuously wrought in its composition by deaths and births. For this reason the individual's passage through different age stages is not only his private concern, but a matter of crucial importance to the whole social system, emphasizing the potential dangers of discontinuity and disruption, and the necessity of overcoming them. That is why the individual, at every moment of his life, not only performs given roles and interacts with other people, but is also obliged to ensure some degree of continuity of the social system through this performance. In other words, the roles performed by the individual at any given stage of his life span must be defined in such a way as to “sharpen” and emphasize his relations with people on different points of the scale of personal development, i.e., his role as either a transmitter or a recipient of the cultural and social heritage. Thus the individual's place on this continuum becomes of crucial importance for the definition of his own roles and activities and as regards his expectations vis-à-vis other people.

The main ways in which the transmission of the social heritage is effected and the basic preconditions of this transmission tend to emphasize the stress laid on different ages. This transmission is made possible by the plasticity of human nature, i.e., by the fact that the behavior of the human being is not determined by his biological inheritance, but that on the contrary, this inheritance is so shaped that it can become effective only through learning and acquisition of non-inheritable, biologically non-transmissible patterns of behavior.⁴ Even the process of maturation of the various inherent biological qualities of an individual is a very slow one, and is dependent to a very large extent on constant interaction with, and learning from, other people. The plasticity of human nature, its inherent capacity for learning and for the acquisition of patterns of behavior, as well as the long period of the child's dependence on adults, are the basis on which social continuity (the transmission of the social heritage) is built. This process of learning is not, however, a mechanical process of a laboratory type, through which the individual acquires various discrete traits. Outside very narrow limits, human learning, and particularly the gradual, continuous learning characteristic of the growing baby and child, can be effected only through socialization, i.e., through communication with and learning from other human beings with whom he gradually enters into some sort of very generalized relationship.⁵ Although we have no detailed knowledge about the process of socialization, some facts seem to be beyond dispute: (a) Socialization is effected through the child's attachment to adults (at first to his mother or mother-substitute, to his father, then gradually extended to other people), i.e., it is based on the fact that these adults are desired by the child as objects of his actions; (b) the nature of this attachment is diffuse and generalized, i.e., it is centered on these adults’ total personalities, on their general dispositions towards the child (their love of the child), and not, at least at first, on specific actions; (c) the security of such an attachment is a basic precondition of the child's development as a social being, i.e., the development of his capacities for role expectations and role performance; (d) through socialization (effected primarily within the family) the child develops generalized, primary role predispositions; (e) on the basis of these general predispositions more detailed and specific roles are learned in various specific situations.⁶ The possibility of interaction with other people, especially with adults, and the securing of a continuous attachment to them constitute perhaps the most basic necessity of the human personality, without which its development and integration cannot be achieved or maintained. The most important mechanisms of learning are rooted in this general necessity—especially the mechanism of identification, i.e., the process through which the desired adult becomes a model for general orientations.⁷

This crucial importance of attachment and identification in the process of learning (i.e., in the process of transmission of the social heritage and maintenance of social continuity) accentuates the difference between various age stages. The child must necessarily learn his behavior from a given adult, older than himself, and in this child-adult relationship age differences are necessarily stressed and emphasized as justification and explanation of the demands made by the adult on the child. These demands are always made in terms of the adult's social experience, knowledge, understanding, etc., i.e., in terms of his position in the life space as related to (or opposed to) that of the child. The process of socialization and learning necessarily involves a normative and evaluative element, and the demands made on the child throughout this process are made legitimate in terms of the differential evaluation of the adults’ social experience as compared to that of the child. The adult is described as more experienced, as wiser and better, as a repository of the moral virtues towards which the child has to be educated. It is because of this that he has authority, that he commands respect and has to be obeyed. This emphasis on age is usually accentuated by the fact that, throughout the period of socialization, the child is not the only one in his age span, but one of a group of children whose basic similarity is felt by them and stressed by the adults.

This emphasis on age differences, on the relevance of age as a qualification and obligation for the performance of various roles, is also greatly influenced by the cumulative aspect of different types of knowledge which are necessary for the performance of different roles, and the acquisition of which consumes time and therefore also implies age progression. The same holds true of various physical capacities required for the performance of various roles—capacities which may be related to different stages of biological development.⁸

The two main characteristics of differential age definitions—diffuseness and complementariness—can also be best explained in relation to the exigencies of socialization and of transmission of the social heritage. If the emphasis on age differences stems from the basic characteristic of socialization—the child's attachment to, and identification with, adults and the general contacts of children with each other and with adults—it necessarily bears the imprint of their diffuseness and generality, and its main function is, then to develop the child's various general role dispositions and to enable him to enter into general relations with other people in his society. This is effected mainly through the extension of the adult's relations towards the specific child to include many of both his and the child's contemporaries. One of the most important mechanisms of such extension, with which we shall concern ourselves later on in this book, is kinship-terminology extension.⁹

The complementariness of the diffuse age definitions is also easily understood when we consider their place in the process of socialization. The function of differential age definitions is to enable the individual to learn and acquire new roles, to become an adult, etc., and in this way to maintain social continuity. Emphasis is laid on the difference between child and adult in order to enable the child to become an adult; and his identification with the adult can be maintained only if he sees himself in a meaningful relationship (even if this be opposition) to the adult. But even more important is the fact that ultimately the child has to become an adult. Therefore he must develop some expectations towards his future roles as an adult, to include them in his life-expectation, in his own perception of his future. Such a relationship cannot be maintained if age differences are stressed as completely dichotomous and unrelated. The necessity of maintaining the continuity of the individual's progression through the different age stages calls for some complementariness of the differential age definitions.

III It becomes understandable from the foregoing that age definitions and differentiation are of great importance both to the social system and to the individual personality. For the social system it serves as a category according to which various roles are allocated to various people; for the individual, the awareness of his own age becomes an important integrative element, through its influence on his self-identification. The categorization of oneself as a member of a given age stage serves as an important basis for one's self-perception and role expectations towards others.

The importance of age grading may be further analyzed if we take up some more specific problems involved in the process of socialization.

The successful development of patterns of behavior which conform to the norms and role expectations of a society involves a high degree of personality integration and concomitant development of special attitudes within the individual's personality. Among these, the individual's attitude towards authority and his co-operation are most crucial for the proper functioning of the personality within the social system. These attitudes may be subdivided into three main categories: the ability to obey persons in whom authority is vested; the ability to co-operate with equals; and the predisposition to accept responsibility and assume authority in relation to other people. In a society almost every individual is called upon to perform roles involving all of these three dispositions, and without them he is probably unable to achieve a full realization of his status in society.¹⁰ These attitudes and general role dispositions are learned in the process of socialization and through the child's interaction with his “socializing agents.” Here again the emphasis on age differences—the differential role allocation based on age differences—becomes crucial. The relations between different age grades are necessarily defined in authoritative terms, and the adult socializing agent is the first prototype of authority that the child encounters. Their mutual relationship determines the child's readiness to accept authority, and, later, to undertake responsibility and exert authority through the internalization of the adult's “image.” One of the basic components of the complementariness of age grade definitions is their differential authority structure, i.e., the extent to which authority is exercised by one age grade and accepted by the other. Through the acting out of various roles on members of age grades other than his own, the individual develops general predispositions towards acceptance and exercise of authority, and the differential role allocation on the basis of age (and the concomitant differential age definitions) facilitates this development by sharpening and focusing differences of authority on the difference in life span and social experience. Likewise it may be surmised that co-operative patterns of behavior are developed mainly through co-operation with age mates, i.e., those whose position within the life span is not significantly different from one's own, as in relations with them no severely authoritarian element exists in the definition of the situation.¹¹

We find thus that relations between different age grades are necessarily asymmetrical from the point of view of authority, respect and initiative. The elder age grades usually exert some authority over the younger ones; they can direct, formally or informally, their activities and command their respect. This basic asymmetry of power and authority is characteristic of the interaction between different age grades and generations as a whole. It may be somewhat informal, as in cases of people with small age differences (e.g., elder boys, etc.); in other cases it may be formalized and officially prescribed. But it constitutes a very important element in the relations between various age grades and emphasizes the complementariness of age images and expectations. The strong emphasis on the respect due to elder people, i.e., to age, is, as we have already seen, a basic prerequisite for the successful maintenance of social continuity.¹²

IV The crucial importance which age differentation and the interaction of members of different age grades possesses for the continuity of the social system can be most clearly seen in the fact that in most societies the attainment of full membership is defined in terms of transition from one age grade to another. As is well known, the exact age spans, which are defined in a unitary way and differentiated from other age spans, vary from one society to another, both in their age coverage and in the number of age grades between which they differentiate. There is, however, one focal point within the life span of an individual which is to some extent emphasized in most known societies, namely the achievement of full adult status, or full membership in the social...

Table of contents

• Front Cover
• Half Title
• The International Library of Sociology
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• Analytical Table of Contents
• CHAPTER I. Age Groups and Social Structure: The Problem
• CHAPTER II. Some Types of Age Groups
• CHAPTER III. Age Groups in Nonkinship (Universalistic) Societies
• CHAPTER IV. Specialization and the Structure of Age Groups
• CHAPTER V. Age Groups in Familistic Societies
• CHAPTER VI. The Functions of Age Groups in the Social System: Integrative and Disintegrative Age Groups
• Notes
• Index