1 Introduction
Jessica Woodhams and Miranda A. H. Horvath
Whilst there is considerable literature on rape from various perspectives, at the time we began work on this book there were only a handful of (now dated) works that focus on rape committed by multiple perpetrators (Amir, 1971; O’Sullivan, 1991; Rozee-Koker & Polk, 1986; Sanday, 1992; Wright & West, 1981). In contrast to this, it is a phenomenon that often grabs the attention of the media; however, the media’s construction of these offences – as is often the case for rape generally (Kitzinger, 2009) – does not usually accurately represent the ‘reality’. For example, it is often portrayed as a crime committed by young, ethnic-minority men who are members of criminal gangs (e.g. Aslan, 2009; Poynting & Mason, 2007; Samura, 2009). Alternatively, the cases that are reported are those where extreme forms of violence have been used by the offenders, such as the case of a 15-year-old girl in London who was raped by a group of young men, following which they threw caustic soda over her (e.g. Greenhill, 2008), or where the group size was very large (e.g. Lee & Lee, 2004). As will be illustrated in this book, the reality is very different. The situations in which such offences occur are extremely varied (Harkins & Dixon, 2010): for example, they occur during war and civil conflict, in the context of fraternities and sports teams, on the streets and in people’s homes. The commission of such offences has not been found to be linked to poverty (Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell & Dunkle, 2011); instead, the perpetrators are men and boys from all walks of life and, as will be evidenced, they can also be women and girls. Victims are of all ages and whilst they are predominantly women and girls, they can also be men and boys.
Sexual assaults by multiple perpetrators have been variously described as ‘gang’, ‘group’ and ‘pack’ rapes (Porter & Alison, 2006; Ullman, 2007; Wilson, 1978). Each of these terms has its own connotations and none satisfactorily encapsulates the variety of people involved nor the contexts in which such sexual violence occurs. In 2009, ‘Multiple Perpetrator Rape’ (MPR) was proposed as an alternative umbrella term for these offences (Horvath & Kelly, 2009, p. 94). This book seeks to develop thinking and debate, including around naming and definition, about this important social problem. Therefore, we did not impose strict rules about terminology on the authors; instead, we requested that they define the terms they selected and that these be fully explained within their chapters.
MPR occurs in most countries across the globe. Studies of its prevalence report figures ranging from 2 to 27 per cent of all rapes being perpetrated by multiple individuals (Horvath & Kelly, 2009; Vetten & Haffejee, 2005). Several studies have been conducted that compare rapes by lone versus multiple perpetrators, and these consistently report greater use of physical violence, more severe sexual assault and weapon use in MPR (Hauffe & Porter, 2009; Ullman, 2007; Woodhams, 2004; Wright & West, 1981). Not only is MPR a multi-national problem but, by its nature, it has significant human and economic costs. Until now, research has been limited and disparate. This book brings together the most up-to-date findings and thinking on this topic from around the world.
This book is the consequence of a number of years’ work which began with two chance meetings at conferences at which we were the only two people presenting findings on MPR. Our feelings of individual isolation – in part due to the geographical spread of people engaged with this subject – combined with recognition of the importance of this topic, led to a collaborative, successful application for funding for a seminar series from the British Psychological Society to start work on building a multi-national group of professionals committed to tackling MPR.
These seminars occurred in April 2011, September 2011 and May 2012 and were attended by a range of delegates, including academics working in the field of MPR and professionals from the police, government and charities working with victims and perpetrators from both the United Kingdom and overseas. The aim of the first seminar was to consolidate what we already knew about MPR and to identify areas in which our knowledge was lacking through roundtable discussions. Five invited speakers (Dr Leigh Harkins, Dr Louise Dixon, Carlene Firmin, MBE, Dr Louise Morgan and Detective Chief Superintendent Caroline Bates) described the research on MPR and the contexts in which it occurs, the roles and experiences of women affected by MPR and how the police and victim-support centres were responding to this form of sexual violence.
The second seminar focused on how MPR could be tackled. Presentations (by Drs Catrien Bijleveld, Louise Porter and Karen Franklin) outlined what we currently knew of the perpetrators of MPR offences, how such groups operated and the cultural backdrop to MPR, with a view to better understanding how we could work with the perpetrators and what broader action needed to be taken. The day finished with a presentation from a professional (Dr Talia Etgar) currently working with young men in Israel who had committed MPR, explaining what she had learnt from her experiences so far.
The aim of the final seminar was to draw together observations and points for action from the first two seminars so that concrete plans could be put in place for influencing policy change and in terms of identifying discrete research projects, as well as funding streams to support these. This goal was achieved, with four priority areas for future research being identified and agreement from the group that to continue the momentum of the work, an official network of professionals is needed. We also received a presentation on MPR in South Africa (from Professor Rachel Jewkes), a country which has very high rates of both rape and MPR and therefore provided unique insights.
This book was one of the intended outcomes of this seminar series and, like the colloquiums, it represents the coming together of researchers and practitioners with a common interest in reducing the occurrence of MPR. The complex nature of MPR demands a multi-disciplinary response. The authorship of this book reflects this, with authors coming from numerous different backgrounds – psychology, criminology, sociology, law enforcement, criminal justice, political science, medicine and social policy. Despite this range of disciplinary backgrounds, several common themes emerge within this book, which will be briefly outlined below.
Gender, masculinity and culture
A number of the chapters in this collection reflect on the importance of dominant cultural messages about gender roles and sex when attempting to understand MPR. Many of the points raised could be considered to be equally relevant for lone perpetrator rapes (LPR), but the extent to which women are treated as sexual objects to be passed around, humiliated and denigrated in the pursuit of male bonding and achieving enhanced masculine status is far more apparent in MPR than in LPR. Some authors have argued elsewhere, and in the chapters of this book, that fundamental to the continued occurrence of MPR and sexual violence more generally is the socio-cultural context in which it occurs (Easteal, 1998; Franklin, 2004; Sanday, 1981). There is a hyper-masculine social climate in many western countries that allows dominant males to harass females and other weaker males through behaviours including sexual harassment, anti-gay violence and MPR (Franklin, 2004).
There is an emerging body of literature which describes the roles in MPR offences of some women and girls who simultaneously exhibit the characteristics and behaviours of both victims and perpetrators (e.g. Firmin, 2010, 2011). This raises questions – which are addressed in Chapters 6 and 14 in this collection – about the choices available to such women and girls. Might they be setting up other women to be assaulted because if they do, they are less likely to be victimised themselves? Is it because the dominant masculine identity is so pervasive that women feel that they have to identify with it, because femininity is associated with vulnerability and being a sexual object?
Heterogeneity of perpetrators
MPR is often contrasted with LPR as if all MPRs unfold in the same manner, in the same contexts and with the same type of individuals involved. However, the chapters in this volume illustrate the varied situations in which MPR can occur (e.g. in informal social groups, gangs and during war and civil conflict). Other chapters contrast different types of perpetrators (for example, males versus females – Chapter 5) or highlight the differences that emerge when comparing groups of different sizes (Chapter 4). Even within the same groups, perpetrators have different roles (Chapter 9) and parties can become involved in MPR in different ways, displaying differing degrees of agency (Porter & Alison, 2001; Woodhams, Cooke, Harkins & da Silva, 2012). The latter point illustrates itself the problems of using the word ‘perpetrator’, since the amount of free choice an individual may have in terms of their involvement in a MPR varies. In addition, it can be considered problematic to contrast victims with perpetrators since, when examining the backgrounds of people involved in committing MPR, you can often find histories of victimisation at the hands of others.
Violence
Within the book it is apparent that MPR can occur within a broader context of violence (e.g. during war and civil conflict) or in the immediate context of other violent offending (e.g. robbery; Wright & West, 1981). Relative to understanding other aspects of MPR, there has been considerable focus in the existent literature on MPR on the offenders’ use of physical violence towards victims (e.g. Hauffe & Porter, 2009; Ullman, 2007; Woodhams, 2004; Woodhams, Gillett & Grant, 2007). This has included describing the types of physical violence targeted at victims and consideration of the function of these acts and the processes through which violence occurs in MPR. This thread is picked up again in this book, whereby studies of physical violence by MPR offenders are outlined and critiqued. Factors that may explain violence within MPR are given specific attention in Chapter 10 but are also touched upon in other chapters; these include masculinities, culture and expectations of different genders, group dynamics and the characteristics of the individuals involved.
Professional responses
The final theme addressed in many chapters is what professionals involved in dealing with MPR, whether through the criminal justice process (from report to court), in work providing support and advocacy for victim-survivors, in treating and rehabilitating convicted offenders (in prisons, young offenders’ institutions and the community), in prevention work (in the community through schools, as youth workers) or in policy making (at an international, national and local level), can and should be doing. Given that there is currently only a limited – but growing – evidence base, advice about the best and most effective practices for tackling MPR are only slowly beginning to emerge. We hope that the suggestions made by the authors in this collection can be used by a wide range of professionals, built upon and developed in their future work, with the ultimate outcome of a serious reduction in the incidence of MPR, more effective investigations and prosecutions and support and rehabilitation for victim-survivors and perpetrators.
Despite the breadth of coverage within this handbook it was not possible to cover everything and we are aware of a number of gaps. Perhaps most obvious is that this is, for the most part, a very westernised account of MPR. In producing this handbook, we were mindful to ensure a diversity of nationalities and topics/areas of research amongst the authors. The result is an authorship including representatives from Israel, the United States of America, South Africa, Australia, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. In addition, all authors were asked to be as inclusive as possible in terms of citing international examples of cases and studies, whilst at the same time being clear when findings are country or sample-specific. Our aim for the handbook to be international in nature has been successful to an extent; however, we were not able to include everything – for example, there are no authors or data from Asia or South America.
Layout of the book
We have organised this book to provide readers with a comprehensive account of the thinking, theorising and empirical evidence on MPR to date. In Chapter 2, Teresa da Silva, Leigh Harkins and Jessica Woodhams provide a comprehensive review of the evidence which shows that MPR is a truly international phenomenon. The chapter begins with a detailed discussion of the definitional issues that surround the offence and then, despite the limited data available, reviews the prevalence and incidence of MPR in non-industrialised and industrialised countries. The remainder of the chapter is devoted to providing an overview of the many varied contexts in which MPR occurs, including in street gangs, during war and in college fraternities, sports teams and prisons.
Karen Franklin analyses international media coverage of 25 high-profile MPR cases in Chapter 3. This is the first published analysis of media coverage of MPR cases and Franklin skilfully explores and disentangles the complex messages enacted in group rape, which are then amplified (or in some cases contested) through the media coverage and public discourse. The key themes which Franklin identifies, which are not generally acknowledged in media coverage but which run through many chapters in this collection, are the ‘masculinist contexts from which MPR springs’ and the ‘dominant cultural messages about gender and sex’.
In Chapter 4, Mackenzie Lambine focuses on the impact of variations in group size on the characteristics of MPRs, also comparing the characteristics of MPR with LPRs. The studies reviewed suggest the presence of significant differences based upon perpetrator number. Lambine uses psychological and sociological explanations to explore the possible motivational, circumstantial and/or relational differences between offences based on the number of perpetrators. Shifting attention from the number of perpetrators to those who are adolescents, in Chapter 5 Jan Hendriks, Miriam Wijkman and Catrien Bijleveld directly compare the characteristics of female and male juvenile group sex offenders using data collected in the Netherlands. This exploratory research provides some of the first published insights into the similarities and differences between these offence types in terms of the socio-demographic and personality characteristics of the offenders, group composition and victim characteristics.
In Chapter 6, Carlene Firmin draws on findings from the Female Voice in Violence project (FVV; Firmin, 2010, 2011) to outline the use of sexual violence and exploitation in criminal gang and peer group contexts in England and Wales. Firmin provides a comprehensive overview of the national policy in England and Wales and detailed case examples from the FVV project showing the role of girls as both victims and facilitators of gang-associated sexual violence. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the importance of distinguishing gang-associated sexual violence from other forms of MPR and from wider gang activities. As alre...