Student Power in Africa's Higher Education

A Case of Makerere University

Frederick K. Byaruhanga

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2013
• ISBN:
  9781135514556
• Edition: 1
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: African History
• Index: History

This book, the first of its kind to treat Uganda, provides a historical analysis of the role of student voices in the development of Uganda's higher education. It not only chronicles incidents of student protests, but also explores and analyses their trigger points as well as the strategies employed by the university, the government, and the students to manage or resolve those crises. In addition, the book highlights the role played by national politics in shaping student political consciousness, in particular their involvement in protests, riots and demonstrations. The book, therefore, limits its scope to the unfolding and impact of student crisis on the process of higher education. Byaruhanga recommends that colleges and universities need to increase communication with students, as well as promote student involvement in decision and policy making, among other things, in order to forestall future conflicts. Most distinctively, the book aims to address the current paucity of research on student activism in Uganda's higher education, and highlights the critical need for research on higher education in Africa as a field of study. The book also may serve as a base for cross-national comparative analysis.

Chapter One

Uganda: An Historiographic Summary

This chapter provides a brief summary of Uganda’s political history, highlighting the different waves of transition across time. Since campus politics has been for the most part rooted in the country’s political manifestation, understanding such manifestations helps to provide a backdrop for the phenomenon of student activism.

PRE-COLONIAL SOCIETY

The pre-colonial setting of what, after the delineation of the present boundaries, came to be known as Uganda, was a tapestry of about 30 different independent ethnic communities. Scholars have categorized these communities into four linguistic strands:

a) The Bantu-speaking, covering the southern one-half of the country, and including the following tribes: Baganda, Basoga, Banyankole, Bakiga, Batooro, Banyoro, and Bagisu.

b) The Nilotic-speaking, covering the northern and eastern parts, comprising the Acholi, Langi, Alur and Jonam, Jophadola tribes.

c) The Sudanic-speaking, found mainly in the northwest, and comprising Lugbara, Madi, and Kakwa.

d) The Nilotic speaking, located in the eastern and northeastern areas, and consisting of the Karamajong, the Jie and the Iteso (Karugire, S. R. 1980; Ofscansky, T.O. 1996; Gakwandi, A. (Ed), 1999; & Mugaju, J. (Ed) 1999).

Their political organization was varied: Some ethnic groups, especially, the Baganda, the Banyoro, the Batooro as well as the Banyankole, the lived under a centralized, monarchic style of political governance. The king was the head of the organization and the different constituencies within the kingdom played various roles.

Other communities were organized under small chiefdoms and principalities such as, those found in Bukedi, Bugisu and between the Kiga and Karamajong. Although in all the ethnic groups political leadership was hereditary, non-monarchical power echelons were not characteristically absolute as in the case of, for example, the Buganda monarchy. In some of these communities, especially those in the northern and eastern parts of the country, final decisions were reached after consultations with and approval by the council of elders—a democratic practice that would be absent in a monarchy (Gakwandi (Ed), 1999).

The general economic milieu had two salient elements: agriculture and pastoralism. In agriculture (covering mainly the southern parts) food was produced for both consumption and trade, mainly via the barter (goods for goods) exchange system. Agricultural products would normally include millet and sorghum, and later coffee, maize, and bananas, among others.

Pastoralism, which consisted mainly of peripatetic cattle raising and grazing, was practiced in some parts of the west, mainly in Ankole and Bunyoro as well as in the northern and eastern areas, mainly in Teso. Like in agriculture, the animals were a source of food (meat, milk, and butter) as well as goods for trade exchange. On a smaller scale, and mostly in a domesticated way, other animals, such as sheep and goats, were raised. Poultry too, was part of the domestic source of food and trade.

Other areas of economic engagement, but obviously on a smaller scale, would include fishing, especially on the shores of Lake Victoria and the Nile River, as well as small scale manufacturing, such as iron smelting and boat building. Hunting and arts and crafts were additional strands of the economy.

In the social arena, all the tribes subscribed to the patrilineal¹ lineage system based on the extended family splice. In Buganda, however, royal succession was based on a prince’s maternal clan. Respect for elders, especially those in positions of leadership was a sine qua non. Values and skills were imparted mainly via informal education to be passed on to the next generation. There were also cross-tribal relationships developed mainly through trade, friendships—not withstanding occasional conflicts, which would result in skirmishes and sometimes open war.

COLONIAL PENETRATION

The proliferation of external influence—colonial, commercial or religious traces its roots in the following: Islamic contact; European exploration and missionary activity; and Egyptian aggressive expansionist agenda.

The first identifiable foreign contact has been traced to a contingent of Arab traders looking for trade opportunities with the King of Buganda,² culturally known as Kabaka. They arrived in 1844 under the leadership of Ahmad Bin Ibrahim. Another team is reported to have arrived in 1846 led by Snay Amir (Gakwandi, 1999). While their impact was not identifiably significant, they exposed the Kabaka to the rudiments of the Islamic culture, (which he adopted for a decade), and more importantly, to the effectiveness of the gun as a military weapon. He would find the gun instrumental during his incessant conflict with his enemy and neighbour, the kingdom of Bunyoro (Sefter, 1994. Gakwandi, 1999).

Years later, European explorers in pursuit of the source of the Nile River also came to Uganda. This historical landmark was discovered on Lake Victoria in 1862 by John Speke, and confirmed by Henry Morton Stanley in 1874.

During the same period (the 1860s) Khedive Ismail, the ruler of Egypt developed an expansionist imperial campaign, whose goal was to annex the Nile valley from its mouth in Egypt all the way to its source in Uganda. This was, obviously, a strategic move since the river was a trade route as well as reservoir of such resources as food and water. Most importantly, the Egyptian king was worried that should the Nile valley and its source fall into the hands of one of his enemies, the waters could be diverted, thus delivering Egypt into economic suffocation.

In 1869 Khedive granted Sir Samuel Baker, his Regional Governor of Equatorial Province, (in modern Sudan), the mandate to launch a slave trade blockage campaign in the Great Lakes (Victoria) areas, and to eventually bring them under the Egyptian Empire. Baker annexed Bunyoro in 1872 but his victory was short lived, for Kabalega the king of Bunyoro overran him on June 8, 1872, at the battle of Masindi (Ofcansky, 1996).

Charles Gordon, who succeeded Baker, embarked on the same mission, defined thus: suppress slave trade; create military establishments from Gondokoro to Buganda; annex Buganda; and launch steamers from Lake Albert to Lake Victoria (Ofcansky, 1996). But even his strong persuasive acumen, coupled with military power, would bring neither Bunyoro nor Buganda into submission. King Ismail was compelled to abandon his dream in 1887 when Emin Pasha, the new governor, was decisively defeated during the 1883 Sudanese Mahdist revolt against Egyptian imperialism (Karugire, 1980).

The arrival of Christian missionaries was another fibre of early external influence. Protestant missionaries of the Church Missionary Society, hailing from Britain arrived in 1877. Two years later, (1879) French-born Roman Catholic priests of the order of the White Fathers followed. Given the well-known and long-time Anglo-French and Catholic-Protestant antipathies in Europe, antagonism was inevitable—a divide that would significantly influence the country’s political life even up to today.

The manifestation of Catholic-Protestant animosity occurred almost immediately upon the arrival of the missionaries—fighting for converts and rushing to influence the Kabaka. Initially, the Kabaka (Mutesa) welcomed both groups, but later became suspicious; and by the time of his death in 1884, he had begun to exhibit some distaste. His son Mwanga, who took over as Kabaka was less tolerant and his animosity led to the murder of the Protestant Bishop Hannington, as well as the massacre of 32 Christian converts (Catholic and Protestant) at Namugongo near Kampala in 1886 (Safter, 1994).

It is important to note, however, that although the Christian missionaries were constantly involved in denominational strife—a controversy that was reflected in politics as well, (given British Protestant bias), missionaries as a whole laid the foundations of education and literacy, among other things.

Colonial political penetration per se began when Carl Peters laid claim to parts of Northern Tanganyika as a German sphere of influence while Britain acquired Kenya. The Anglo-German agreement of 1886 officially handed Kenya to the British and Tanganyika to the Germans. Carl Peters then rushed to Buganda and signed a “treaty of protection” with Kabaka Mwanga in 1889. But the Anglo-German agreement of 1890—the Heligoland Treaty, reversed the events ceding Uganda to Britain.

Reluctant to commit itself to the inevitable intricate economic demands, the British government handed the affairs of their new sphere of influence to the Imperial British East Africa Company under Captain Lugard. In 1890 Lugard signed a treaty with Buganda, an agreement that accorded him not only access to the affairs of the kingdom but also the right to intervene whenever the security of the kingdom was at risk. Lugard’s might and influence was displayed during the Protestant-Catholic open conflict of 1892. At the battle of Mengo in Kampala, Captain Lugard intervened with his army, but sided with the Protestant party, and the Catholics were defeated. This victory marked the beginning of Protestant ascendancy and dominating presence in Uganda’s politics.

Due to financial constraints, Lugard urged the British government to declare Uganda a British Protectorate. Britain sent Sir Gerald Portal in 1893 to carry out a feasibility study; and upon his recommendation, Uganda was declared a British Protectorate on June 18, 1894.

In 1900 the British government signed an agreement with the Kingdom of Buganda, a landmark treaty that came to be the watershed of colonial expansion. The agreement recognized British sovereignty—its power and prerogative to control the governance of the protectorate without hindrance. In return, the Kabaka of Buganda retained control over Buganda parliament (the Lukiiko), as well as the kingdom at large; and—most significantly for the kingdom—the 1900 agreement recognized its sovereign status as a state independent of the rest of the protectorate.

CENTRIFUGAL PROTECTORATE EXPANSION

The second phase of Britain’s colonial influence in Uganda was the outward push to the rest of the country. With the protectorate declared, and having reached the landmark agreement (1900) with Buganda, the question was how to proceed with limited personnel and financial resources. To this end, the colonial government opted for indirect rule, a strategy designed to employ local Baganda agents as auxiliaries in territory acquisition and grassroots governance across the country. Indirect rule was viewed not only as a cost-effective strategy but also as a way of minimizing the image of foreign domination.

Although other ethnic groups attempted to defend their ethnic and territorial identity, and largely resented the Baganda agents, the colonial government was by 1914, able to bring the entire country under its protectorate.

INTERNAL POLITICS

Important as it appeared, the British/Buganda agreement of 1900 was not without detractors. Some among the Local Baganda felt sidelined by the agreement, which in their view, was designed to serve the interests of the Kabaka and his chiefs. In 1920, they formed a political movement called the Bataka Movement. Most crucial among their grievances was the issue of land ownership. The agreement had placed much of the land in the hands of the royal chiefs who made it available to the rest of the population on rental basis.

During the same period, other political movements emerged, some of them outside Buganda. They were formed mainly to enlist the African voice in the protectorate government, a voice that was noticeably absent on the legislative council, which was created in 1921. Its representation was exclusively European and Asian, Ugandans being allowed membership only in 1945 (Saftel, 1994).

As time went by, the Kabaka came to realize that his position and that of his kingdom as an independent entity within Uganda was slowly being cast into the background. The protectorate government began to implement its agenda of creating a government of national unity in which Buganda would eventually forfeit its special independent federal status for a position as one of the many tribes within the protectorate. In addition, during early 1950s there were discussions on the possibility of forming an East African federation to embrace the three East African countries: Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika. Buganda’s government as well as civil society within the rest of the country vehemently resented the idea, decrying the white settler-dominated politics of Kenya.

Buganda’s discontent with the protectorate government eventually developed into a crisis when the Kabaka demanded a timeline for Buganda’s independence, as well as the transfer of the affairs of the kingdom from the British Colonial Office to its Foreign Office. In addition, he openly rejected the looming idea of an East African federation and issued an ultimatum for the protectorate government to leave Buganda—the location of the central government headquarters.

In 1953, as a response, the Protectorate Governor, Andrew Cohen deposed the Kabaka to London. The absence of the Kabaka in his kingdom created heightened bitterness among the Baganda, resulting in a crisis—a controversy that, eventually, compelled Governor Cohen to return the Kabaka in 1955.

In the rest of the protectorate, nationalistic sentiments were growing despite Buganda’s separatist overtones. Ignatius Musaazi, a Muganda, formed the first political party—the Uganda National Congress (UNC) in 1952. Although Musaazi made all the effort to project a national unity agenda, his party was dominated by Baganda-Protestant-educated elite. This sectarian characterization obviously deflected support from the other regions and Catholics. Later, in 1959 a cleavage occurred within the UNC party, leading to the creation of a breakaway faction led by Milton Obote, a non-Muganda hailing from Lango in Northern Uganda.

In 1954 Matayo Mugwanya (a Muganda), formed another party—the Democratic Party (DP), which was dominated by Baganda Catholics. Although the DP was projected as a national political party, its main political strategy was aimed at attenuating the dominant Protestant political presence.

In 1959 William Nadiope, a non-Muganda, formed the Uganda People’s Union (UPU) party, whose main agenda was to counteract Buganda monopoly. The following year, the UPU merged with Milton Obote’s UNC splinter faction to form the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC)—a party that was national in character, but Protestant-dominated (Gakwandi, 1999).

Despite the inevitable move toward national politics, Buganda maintained its intransigence, demanding ever more its separation from the rest of the country. In this vein, the Kabaka declared his opposition to legislative council elections slated for 1961. But the Protectorate government maintained the election program, which Buganda boycotted.

On December 31 1960, however, the British Colonial Government stated its intention to grant full independence to Uganda. Following this monumental declaration, the legislative council elections took place as planned and Benedicto Kiwanuka’s Democratic Party won the elections, defeating Milton Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress. Kiwanuka then became the head of the Legislative Council and first Prime Minister. From September to October 1961, a conference was held in London to develop a national constitution. The new constitution granted Buganda federal status and the three western kingdoms of Bunyoro, Ankole and Toro semi-federal status (Seftel, 1994).

In 1962 the legislative council was transformed into a unicameral national assembly with 82 elected members, and mandated to prepare for general elections, which took place the same year. This time the Uganda People’s Congress formed a coalition with the small exclusively Buganda-based party called Kabaka Yekka (the Kabaka Alone) and won the general election. Milton Obote became Prime Minister, with the Kabaka as president. On March 1, 1962, the country gained full internal self-governance, and Milton Obote in effect, became independent Uganda’s first Prime Minister (Ofcansky, 1996).

It is important to note here that, unlike other nations such as Kenya, where independence was achieved through a formidable and sometimes bloody nationalistic struggle, Uganda is one of those African countries whose independence was achieved via a peaceful transition. Nationalistic politics were in many ways hampered by Buganda’s separatist and parochial ideology.

IMMEDIATE POST-COLONIAL POLITICAL CLIMATE

The first few years of independence were halcyon ones for the new Prime Minister, Milton Obote, as the country was celebrating self-governance and nursing hopes for a prosperous future. But this political honeymoon was soon over, as Buganda heightened its long-standing demand for independence. Also contentious was the 1961 constitutional assembly’s proposal for a referendum due to take place two years after independence. Its purpose was to determine the fate of the “lost counties” of Bugangaizi and Buyaga. These were long disputed territories formerly belonging to Bunyoro (Buganda’s long-time enemy) but were ceded to Buganda as a punishment for Kabalega’...