Integrating the Personal and Social Voices of Latinas in Feminist Therapy
DEBRA M. KAWAHARA
California School of Professional Psychology at Alliant International University, San Diego, California
OLIVA M. ESPÍN
San Diego State University, San Diego, California and California School of Professional Psychology at Alliant International University, San Diego, California
After Debra and I (Oliva) finalized our co-edited special issue of Women & Therapy on Asian and Asian-American women, it became evident to the both of us that we needed to do the same for Latinas and Latin-American women. Our collaboration had been productive and enjoyable, and we were ready to embark on another project together. The result of that work is this special issue you are holding in your hands. We hope it provides readers with an overview of the latest in research and practice with Latinas. Needless to say, there is much more that could have been included in this issue. Indeed, we had to maintain strict limitations in size that prevented us from including other contributions.
Obviously, the content of this issue is close to my heart and experience, and I (Oliva) am delighted that Debra wanted to join me and even take the lead.
Just as this is an area of life work for Oliva, I (Debra), too, have had a long time commitment to feminism and social justice and was pleased and honored when Oliva suggested that we continue our journey together. Although I had not worked previously on Latin American psychology or on issues specifically relevant to Latina women, I knew the importance of this project as it provides the opportunity for the voices and untold lived experiences of these women to be heard and illuminated. I feel privileged to have been able to make this vision a reality and appreciative of the development and learning that it has provided me.
The issue starts with a section that focuses on research with Latinas. Stephens, Fernández, and Richman investigate the impact of parental messages regarding skin color on Hispanic women in the United States. The next two articles focus specifically on Mexican-American women. Kuba, Harris-Wilson, and O'Toole assess the complicated relationships between weight, cultural weightism, gender identity, assimilation, family factors, and eating disorder symptoms to develop a culturally discrepant gender identity theory, while Flores, Zelman, and Flores present results from life narratives of five Mexican immigrant women with moderate to severe chronic pain and the implications of culture and gendered imperatives on their health care and behavior. This section ends with a narrative by Oliva Espín who discusses the complexity of multiple identities, particularly being Latina, female, and lesbian, and the process of integration of these identities. Through research and her own personal experiences, she shows the struggles and possibilities in negotiating this process of self-definition and briefly discusses its implications for therapy.
Feminist therapeutic approaches then follow. Carranza illustrates an innovative cross-border family therapy approach for therapists working with Latina immigrant and refugee women who live in different countries from their own family members. A case study that shows the therapist's flexibility and creativity in working with a Salvadoran refugee woman in Canada is presented. Next, from a relational cultural theory (RCT) perspective, Ruiz illustrates the use of RCT concepts in understanding and working with Latina immigrants. Lastly, Díaz-Lazaro, Verdinelli, and Cohen demonstrate how principles of empowerment feminist therapy (EFT) can be effectively applied to therapy with Latina immigrant clients.
The last section highlights interventions that emerged within communities where Latinas live and the subsequent responses developed and implemented within them. The article by Perilla, Serrata, Weinberg, and Lippy presents Caminar Latino, a comprehensive domestic violence intervention for Latino families created on the basis of the lived experiences of Latinas survivors as well as ecological frameworks, feminist therapy principles, and Freire's adult education model. Next, Meléndez, Cortés, and Amaro present qualitative findings about the acceptability and cultural fit of spiritual self-schema (3-S) therapy for Puerto Rican women with addiction disorders. To end, Shapiro and Atallah-Gutiérrez examine the sociopolitical implications of ecosystemic and participatory health promotion practice. They utilize an event where massive workplace raids occurred to inform their strengths-based, collaborative work with community-based organizations. The authors attempt to link politics of everyday life, culturally meaningful gender justice, and social and personal change.
We hope to have accomplished our goals and to have presented a variety of approaches to the lives of Latina women that will whet readers' appetite and encourage them to pursue more in-depth information. We also hope that the articles in this issue will be a tool to enhance the therapeutic practice of feminist therapists working with these women.
Ni Pardo, Ni Prieto: The Influence of Parental Skin Color Messaging on Heterosexual Emerging Adult White-Hispanic Women's Dating Beliefs
DIONNE P. STEPHENS
Florida International University, Miami, Florida
PAULA B.FERNÁNDEZ
William Paterson University, Wayne, New Jersey
ERIN L. RICHMAN
University of North Florida, Jacksonville, Florida
The influence of Hispanic parental processes on daughters' intimate relationships have been widely studied in the psychology literature. However, although skin color values have been found to directly inform dating preferences, research examining the influence of parental skin color beliefs is non-existent. Thirty-four emerging adult Hispanic women participated in this qualitative study which examined their beliefs about parental skin color beliefs on dating preference decision-making processes. The study revealed that parents encouraged daughters to select partners with lighter skin. Significant differences between the ways parents and daughters constructed skin color meanings were noted, although daughters' potential partner skin color preferences were mixed. Results indicate that cultural competency training for clinicians should include understandings of meanings and values given to skin color. Therapeutic considerations for addressing skin color concerns with Hispanic female clients, including parental influences, within group differences and validation of skin color values, are addressed.
INTRODUCTION
Research has shown that skin color values and beliefs inform Hispanic populations'1 identity development and social interactions (Gómez, 2000; Montalvo, 2004; Rivera, 2006; Stephens, Fernandez, Augilar, & Garcia, 2009). There are numerous narrative accounts that specifically highlight the significance of parental messages about appropriate skin color's influence on their children's interpersonal relationships (Cruz-Janzen, 2001; Darity, Dietrich, & Hamilton 2005). Further, Hispanic parents have been found to have significant influence over their daughters' intimate relationships, particularly in dating and marital contexts (Hovell, Sipan, Blumberg, Atkins, Hofsteter, & Kreitner, 1994; Raffaelli, 2005). As skin color is given value in interpersonal relationships, it is particularly important to understand the influence of parental skin color values on their daughters' partner selection beliefs.
Although prior research on Hispanic populations has shown that skin color affects psychological well being and behavioral outcomes, the values, meanings, and influence of skin color on this populations' dating processes has not been widely explored in the psychological literature. The aim of this study was to examine the influence of parental messages about skin color on a sample of self-identified heterosexual White-Hispanic women in the emerging adulthood phase of the lifespan. The implications of this phenomenon for therapists and clinicians working with White-Hispanic women are discussed.
WHY CONSIDER PARENTAL MESSAGES ABOUT SKIN COLOR AND DATING PROCESSES
Skin Color Values
Prior research found a preference for mid-range to light skin tones in Hispanic communities (Bohara, & Davila, 1992; Darity, Dietrich, & Hamilton, 2005; Marrow, 2003; Stephens et al., 2009). While researchers examining skin color in Latin America point to a history of colonization (see Lewis, 2000; Marrow, 2003; Masi De Casanova, 2004; Rahier, 1999; Rivera, 2006), those looking at Hispanics' skin color beliefs in the United States suggest these preferences are further reinforced by the traditional American “Black-White” skin color dichotomy (Gomez, 2000; Hall, 2002). This approach to race, it is asserted, forces Hispanics to select a racial identification based upon phenotypic traits, primarily skin color. This categorization further informs the development of skin color hierarchies that gives preference and greater value to lighter skin colors in United States Hispanic communities (Allen, Telles, & Hunter, 2000; Darity, Dietrich & Hamilton, 2005; Espino & Franz, 2002).
These skin color hierarchies influence individuals' identity development processes and their attitudes towards others. For example, the 1989–1990 Latino National Political Survey (LNPS) provides some insights into Hispanic adults' perceptions of their skin color. Falcon (1995) found that 58% of the respondents identified as White and 4% as Black; the remaining 38% as mixed race. However, when LNPS interviewers recorded their own perceptions of each respondent's skin shade (“very light,” “light,” “medium,” “dark,” or “very dark”), 31% of those respondents that self-identified as White and 55% of those that self-identified as mixed were actually viewed as “dark” or “very dark” by the interviewers (Falcon, 1995). Census data further supports these findings as 48% of Hispanics identified as White in the 2000 United States census; 45.2% identified as “some other race”—not including Black or African American (Guzman, 2000).
Researchers agree that these skin color preferences reflect Hispanics' experiences in the United States (Fears, 2002; Gomez, 2000; Montalvo, 2004; Marrow, 2003; Stephens et al., 2009). As lighter skin is privileged, there are fewer barriers and experiences with discrimination reported by White-Hispanics when compared to darker-skinned Hispanics in the United States (Espino & Franz, 2002; Fears, 2000; Gomez, 2000; Montalvo, 2004). In fact, studies found that darker-skinned Hispanics avoid identifying as “Black” for fear of experiencing discrimination or prejudice (Fears, 2002; Montalvo, 2004). These fears are well founded as studies that found dark-skinned Hispanics were more likely to report experiencing higher levels discrimination, which has been associated with lower levels of achievement education, vocational, and life expectancy spheres when compared to White-Hispanics (Allen, Telles, & Hunter, 2000; Bohara & Dávila, 1992; Espino & Franz, 2002; Gomez, 2000; Montalvo, 2004).
The privileging of lighter skin color in the Hispanic communities is known as blanqueamiento or whitening (Rivera, 2006). It refers to the active process of becoming “increasingly acceptable to those classified and selfidentified as ‘White’” (Torres & Whitten 1998, p. 9). Many Hispanic Americans realize that to become assimilated into the larger culture, it is necessary to pass for White to access greater resources and acceptance. For many, this includes making sure the familial unit becomes as fair skinned as possible.
Familial Skin Color Messaging
Familism is a core characteristic in the Hispanic culture, serving as a primary socialization institution (Sabogal, Marín, Otero-Sabogal, Marín & Pérez-Stable, 1987). Understandably, the familial unit serves as one of the primary sources of information about skin color values. Through ongoing communications, Hispanic women learn what their families view appropriate skin colors. For example, prior cross-cultural research found that children learn about the importance of skin tone when they see how people with varied skin tones are treated particularly within their own families (Hill, 2002; Masi De Casanova, 2004). These messages about appropriate skin color may also be covertly disseminated through “whispers, innuendos, off-hand and overheard comments, sudden silences, changing the subject, code words, slips of the tongue, and hiding dark-skinned relatives from public view” (Montalvo, 2004, p. 28).
Skin Color and Dating
Given families' influence on socialization processes, it is understandable that familial messages about skin color also directly affect heterosexual Hispanic women's dating choices. Falicov (1998) found that familial relationships and finding a partner were entwined such that primary goals of marriage included childbearing and family creation. This “connectiveness” means parental understanding about appropriate dating behaviors, intimacy, or interpersonal interactions have a significant influence on their daughters' attitudes and behavioral outcomes (Hovell et al., 1994; Raffaelli & Ontai, 2001; Raffaelli & Suárez-al-Adam, 1998; Villaruel, 1998).
Within dating process negotiations, skin color value messages emerge as an important factor; several narratives share stories of Hispanic parents encouraging their heterosexual daughter to interact only with light or pale skin males (Cruz-Janzen, 2001; Darity, Dietrich, & Hamilton, 2005). To gain or maintain parental approval, daughters may take covert or overt steps to date “appropriate males,” including attempting to “improve the family” or to becoming lighter/whiter through intermarriage with light skin Hispanic Americans or Whites (Montalvo, 2004)...