Football as code: the social diffusion of âsoccerâ in South Africa
Lloyd Hill
Centre for Culture and Languages in Africa, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa
This essay explores the processes associated with the emergence of rugby and soccer as distinct âsporting codesâ in South Africa. Beginning with an elaboration of the concept of âsporting codeâ, the author traces in broad brush strokes the events that transformed the two English codes into new forms of cultural capital in transnational sporting fields. Set against this wider context, the focus then shifts to the âsocial diffusionâ of rugby and soccer in the territories that would subsequently constitute the South African state. It is argued that between 1859 and the discovery of gold in 1886 rugby and soccer emerged in two relatively distinct fields, centred on the British Cape and Natal colonies. The essay then explores the stratification of these fields, following the establishment of the Union of South Africa in 1910. Particular attention is given to the relative status of rugby and soccer in the colonial education systems and in the post-1910 national education system.
Introduction
The sociology of sport is relatively underdeveloped in South Africa.1 A lot has been written on sport, but most publications have tended to be produced from the perspective of the âsportsmanâ (mostly men) or from the perspective of âthe sporting codeâ, which is to say, focused on the internal development of a specific sport â the history of teams, fixtures, clubs, record tables and regional/national governing bodies. In South Africa these âcode chroniclesâ have more often that not tended to celebrate sporting achievements in the âestablishment sportsâ â notably cricket and rugby â and to underplay the associated history of racial fragmentation and discrimination.
At issue for the sports sociologist is the need to move beyond sporting hagiography in general to explore the social significance of sport in South Africa. The problem with sporting hagiography is that it tends to overstate individual prowess and to understate key social, economic and political factors that cannot be reduced to individual action. Sport may be studied âfor itself, or as an autonomous system of ideas and practices, but this comes at the cost of understanding underlying social processes. One of the objectives of this essay is therefore to show how sport has helped to âcodifyâ the relationship between key social categories, notably those of race,2 class and gender.
The tendency towards hagiography is not unique to South Africa. It can be categorized under a more general tendency to read history teleologically, which is to say the tendency to reconstruct history from the perspective of one's experience of the present. Avoiding this problem is no easy matter, even for the professional historian. Moreover, we live in an age in which the social significance of languages in the construction of texts â and markets for texts â has emerged as a key methodological issue in the social sciences. The objective should therefore be to recognize teleology as an inherent tendency in the writing (and publishing) process and to strive to limit it. The comparative method provides one means of doing this and in this essay takes the form of a comparative exploration of the âdiffusionâ of two football codes â ârugbyâ and âsoccerâ â in South Africa.
The essay has three main objectives. Firstly, my analysis begins with the observation that the two codes in question have a history that predates the English terms that are now routinely used to distinguish them. I explore these terms, within the context of a broader discussion of the older concepts of âfootballâ and âcodeâ. Secondly, I elaborate a distinction between the diffusion of technical innovation and the âaccumulationâ of a social or cultural code. Drawing on the work of Bourdieu, I argue that the spread of the major British sporting codes can be understood in terms of the establishment of transnational sporting fields, in which alternative codes are displaced and in which the major English codes function as new forms of cultural capital.
Finally, I provide a comparative analysis of the social diffusion of rugby and soccer in South Africa between 1859 and approximately 1930. My analysis of the spread of the codes examines the role played by different institutions, including schools, military units and the media. Particular attention is given to the emergence of a national education system â in the context of an Empire-wide field of English education â and the role that stratified education played in the attribution of social status to the two codes before and after the unification of the state in 1910.
âFootballâ as a sporting code
In many parts of the world the English word âfootballâ is commonly used to refer to the world's largest âsporting codeâ â association football or âsoccerâ. This symbolic practice tends to obscure the fact that the term âfootballâ currently refers to a variety of sporting codes, including rugby football (Rugby Union and Rugby League), Gaelic football, American football, Canadian football and Australian Rules football. The close historical association between the main alternative codes and the Anglophone nations is evident in this list. The historical significance of the English language is also evident in the manner in which the word âfootballâ â designating the association game â has been translated into numerous other languages. Thus, whereas the French football is clearly a borrowed word â as in the FĂ©dĂ©ration Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) â the more widespread tendency has been to calque the word into the native language.3 One notable exception is the Italian âcalcioâ, which simply means âkickâ, but which also evokes the memory of football traditions dating back to the Roman Empire.4
The etymology of the word âfootballâ is thus a useful point of departure for an essay on the origins of association football. The English word âFootballâ has Germanic origins, deriving from the combination of the Old English word âfot and the Old Norse âböllrâ. Written references to âfootballâ date back to the fourteenth century5 â the period in which Middle English began to replace French as the language of record in England.6 There are however, earlier documented references to a football-like game called âsoullrâ (in French) or âchouleâ (in Norman French) dating back to twelfth-century France and England.7 Anglophone historians have adopted the term âfolk footballâ to distinguish earlier forms of football in Europe from the modern âcodesâ that arose in England during the nineteenth century.
One way to think about the relationship between âfolk footballâ and modern forms of the game is to consider the manner in which we use the term âcodeâ to refer to âa type of sportâ. The word âcodeâ derives from the Latin term âcodexâ, whose literal sense was âa block of wood that could be split into âleavesâ or âtabletsââ.8 âCodeâ enters English via French â the earliest English record dates to 1303.9 The sense of âcodeâ as a âsystemic collection of laws and statutesâ is established in English during the fourteenth century. The association with a system of military and telegraphic signals dates from the nineteenth century.10
Bourdieu11 notes the historical shift in the use of the word âcodeâ from law to linguistics, and it is this shift that is particularly relevant to the study of sport (and other cultural domains). At issue is the use of language in the process of âsystematizingâ a field of human endeavour.
What then is the change in the processes of systematization associated with the shift from folk football to the modern codes? It is not simply the existence of written codes that makes the difference, but rather their institutionalization in new and highly stratified forms of social structure â notably âthe marketâ and the ânation stateâ. To understand the relationship between sport and power it is necessary to explore the process whereby a code or symbolic system develops, over time, to be manifested as a form of cultural capital.
Codes, imperial âdiffusionâ and cultural capital
The problem with the use of the term âdiffusionâ to describe the spread of a sporting code such as soccer is that it invokes âa hydraulic imageryâ12 in a manner that suggests widespread consensus on the value of the new code. Like ink diffusing through water or a sheet of blotting paper, new cultural practices are assumed to have spread ânaturallyâ from one community to another.
âSoccerâ and ârugbyâ are not simple âgood ideasâ with associated techniques or âskillsâ. They are instead complex systems of ideas and practices, which carried in their tran...