Lesbian (In) Visibility in Italian Renaissance Culture: Diana and Other Cases of donna con donna
Patricia Simons, PhD
University of Michigan
SUMMARY. Current conceptualizations of sexual identity in the West are not necessarily useful to an historian investigating âlesbianismâ in the social history and visual representations of different periods. After an overview of Renaissance documents treating donna con donna relations which examines the potentially positive effects of condemnation and silence, the paper focuses on Diana, the goddess of chastity, who bathed with her nymphs as an exemplar of female bodies preserved for heterosexual, reproductive pleasures. Yet the self-sufficiency and bodily contact sometimes represented in images of this secluded all-female gathering might suggest âdeviantâ responses from their viewers.
An historian working with pre-modern material who wants to investigate lesbianism finds little that satisfies the modern notion of a core, fixed âidentity.â A singular, ahistorical âlesbianâ does not appear; instead, a range of evidence suggests the parameters of a largely negative, prescriptive world for women and sexuality. What can be done with so thoroughly an outsiderâs view, a picture constructed in patriarchal texts, legal and moral condemnations, and other instances of a restricted, uncomprehending culture? My answer in this paper is not only to call on visual records but, more fundamentally, to reconsider how one can use negative documents and re-imagine the effects of cultural silence about certain forms of female sexuality.
Lacking the language for woman-woman relationships, since even heterosexual discourse during the Renaissance gave little voice to a womanâs agency, few documents indicate women addressing each other in terms of desire.1 Silence does not necessarily indicate that Italian women were not attracted to other women, and cases gathered below suggest that some women did not only feel, but could act on, their desire for other women. Such slim evidence supports the other, negative documentation in legal texts and the mixed response of some medical and religious commentators, to show that lesbian behavior was muted but not absent. Even the punitive texts began to give woman-woman sex a discursive existence. And censorship or conscious silence in arenas like confessionals, law courts, and informal conversations, may have had an unforeseen effect, enabling some very protected, cloistered, or confined women to practice donna con donna (woman with woman) contact in a state of ignorance, not knowing that a thing not named was deemed wrong.2 Perhaps sometimes in a state of innocence, or with extreme caution in most cases, or cloaked in an air of playful âapprenticeshipâ in courtly circles, European women could imagine or act out lesbianism. Their very restriction may have encouraged female bonding. In the late sixteenth century, Pierre BrantĂ´me claimed that âwherever the women are kept secluded, and have not their entire liberty, this practice doth greatly prevail.â3 Enclosed in nunneries or palaces, brothels or prisons, women could form their own networks and establish ties of affection and female sociability.
Women had less access to the pen so literary tales about explicit donna con donna relations do not seem to survive from female writers, who would have risked too much if they moved beyond heterosexual conventions. Women also had different access to the spaces or networks where unobserved or less normative sexuality could operate, so the evidence for lesbianism in the Italian Renaissance remains fragmentary as well as entirely originating from male voices. It may be true that âfemale deviance, like most aspects of womenâs behavior, was of less concern to male authorities.â4 But it may be instead that a high level of concern actually wrapped women in an even tighter world of control so that male fears about female sexuality could only rarely dare to recognize or name womenâs sexual independence or variance. As Judith Brown noted when commenting on the relative silence in law, theology, and literature, there was âan almost active willingness to dis believe.â5 That very activism could be seen as both cause and effect, as a repression of fears by not giving them voice or image which has in turn led to the neglect of woman-woman sex in documents. In Foucauldian terms, the very silence was a discourse in itself, set off against the numerous and frantic insistences on heterosexual, reproductive sex. Heterosexism was complemented by homosociality.6 Men focused so much on male bonding that affectionate or social networking between women was often not so much threatening as simply not imaginable and thus not granted visibility. Or the signs of donna con donna contact which we may now find in Renaissance representations are there precisely because they were not consciously recognized as such by their male makers. Unconscious fears or pleasurable fantasies by men about physical relationships between women could lead to some degree of visualization, and women viewers might have made something else of the images. Any woman daring enough to recognize her own sexual orientation outside the norm might also have surreptitiously enjoyed some images of sensual women produced for heterosexual men, âcross-viewingâ as it were.
The means by which lesbianism is culturally represented can have as much or even more effect than experiential practice. For example, a survey reported in 1987 that â88 percent of young lesbians said they had learned about lesbianism from the media. By contrast, 96 percent of the young men said they learned about gay sexuality from having sex with other men.â7 This indication that cultural representation is formative and that embodied practice alone cannot be naturalized supports the argument that lesbian sexuality has little universality or unchanging history. A âpostmodern lesbian politic might make its stand in a textual reconstruction that made no claims about a relation to an âauthenticâ or âoriginalâ or âproperly lesbianâ essentiality.â8 We need to think much more about how media opens up, as well as closes down, options; how cultural representations in words and images re-affirm but also create and change expectations. Positive commentary shapes lesbian identities but so too can their formation be effected by negative statements, relative silence, and apparently tolerant heterosexism. Condemnation can still give a name and thence unforeseen, paradoxical validation to what it rails against. Repressive silence can enable a kind of operative space for what is not specifically named. Images and texts ostensibly catering to heterosexual standards can be subversively re-read by certain consumers to provide alternative pleasures.9
The very invisibility or near-inconceivability of lesbianism for patriarchal culture can in some ways actually allow its practice. Certain contradictions in Renaissance phallogocentric culture opened the possibility for an alternative imagination. The negative discourses of law, medicine, political control, and social formation nevertheless opened some spaces for practices between women, both in their imaginations and their experiences, which could be crudely classified today as falling within the category of âlesbian.â The crudeness of current Western identity politics is in turn clarified by a discussion of another historical situation, since âthe lesbianâ does not appear as either forever present or only constructed during the Italian Renaissance.10 The evidence mustered here does not treat female-female relations as ones which are only represented in phallogocentric fantasies or discourses. Instead, we can begin to see experiential possibilities and imaginative practices which relate to historically actual women and the physical fabric of their visual surroundings. By trying to re-envisage what a female audience for the male-produced texts and images could imagine and practice, I seek to insert feminist reconsiderations both of an historically particular time and of our current Western agenda for political action around issues of sexuality and power.
Categories for the manifestations of donna con donna relations in the Renaissance form a diverse, overlapping, and complex set of clusters, including the options of silence, innocence, playful apprenticeship, female sociability, enacted sensuality, imaginative fantasy and spectatorship, and autonomy. The levels of possible emotional ties or physical practices were mediated by hostile or distanced language so they are even more difficult to separate into distinct categories. A clear sense of identity might now provide various proponents and opponents with a litmus test but an historian cannot so readily apply such filtration to her materials.
Cultural Discourses on âDonna Con Donnaâ
Erotic relations between Italian women during the Renaissance, or donna con donna, are particularly difficult to recover from most historical documents except medical and legal texts written by men. The influential medieval Arabic physician Avicenna predicted that women will turn to same-sex relations when unsatisfied by men.11 A fifteenth-century commentary by Jacques Despars on this claim concerned itself more with counselling heterosexual couples for reproductive purposes than with strongly condemning lesbian practices.12 Danielle Jacquart and Claude Thomasset conclude that such ârelative toleranceâ of lesbianism and female masturbation in medical texts stemmed from the belief that âthe loss of female seed has less importance for the preservation of the species.â13 The biological stress on active male seed for reproduction easily flowed over into other discourses, especially economic and political ones where preservation of the patrimony also centered on the strategic retention and expenditure of male seed. As long as a woman fulfilled her reproductive function within marriage, lesbianism âput neither the future of the species nor civilization in perilâ according to Jacquart and Thomasset, so it was of little concern to medical commentators.
However, the exercise of a womanâs sexuality was definitely restricted, not only within the institutional confines of marriage, or convents, but also in the discourses of law and morality. Proscriptive writers of penitential manuals and legal statutes focus on male homosexuality but occasionally mention sex between women.14 Spanning the early fourteenth to early seventeenth centuries, the influential manuals of three Italian jurists, Cino da Pistoia, Bartho-lomaeus of Saliceto, and Prospero Farinacci, included punishment by death for female homosexuality.15 However, despite âintensive surveillance and controlâ of male homosexuality in Florence, no evidence of prosecutions for sexual relations between women survives and some of that cityâs laws against homosexuality do not mention women.16 In 1574 Treviso adopted a statute against âany person (leaving the natural use)â of sexual relations and punished woman-woman sex for anyone aged âtwelve or moreâ by displaying them at a stake for 24 hours before they were burned outside the city.17 Other such statutes doubtless existed, but punishments have not yet been studied and so far no certain cases of execution of women for lesbianism have come to light for Italy in this period. This was probably because their acts were less threatening to the patrimony since reproduction, paternity, and legitimacy were not at issue. The acts were also less visible because they often went unnamed in the statutes and condemnations. When the language for âlesbianismâ was at best unclear, and any labelling beyond the vague term âdetestableâ could b...