CHINA AND THE MIDDLE EAST

from Silk Road to Arab Spring

Muhamad S. Olimat, Muhamad Olimat

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2012
• Print ISBN: 9781857436310
• eBook ISBN: 9781135102210
• Topic: Politica e relazioni internazionali
• Subtopic: Storia e teoria politica

This manuscript examines relations between China and the Middle East in historical context. It highlights some of the most important events that characterize the ties between China and the Middle East, and examines their relationship in key areas that include energy, trade, arms sales, culture and politics.

The centre of China's relations with Israel is arms sales and advanced technology, while the core of Sino-Saudi relations is oil. Iran and China are tied with deep historical, civilizational, cultural and political relations, but China's current interests in Iran centre on oil. Relations between China and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) centre on trade. The UAE serve as a primary hub for Chinese business corporations not only in the Gulf or the wider Middle East, but also in Africa and the world. China's relations with Algeria have been based on political co-ordination since the early days of the Algerian War of Independence and the early days of the People's Republic of China. China provided Algeria with political, diplomatic and military support to accomplish its national liberation from France. Since then, their partnership has developed.

Finally, the book develops a tridimensional approach in which China's ties with Middle Eastern countries are viewed as an outcome of interaction between three actors in each situation. The book reaches the conclusion that China's national interests in the Middle East are only increasing, and it is anticipated that Sino-Middle Eastern relations and strategic partnerships will be enhanced in the near future, provided that China is not perceived as undermining the Arab Spring.

Key Features

• Offers an in-depth analysis of Chinese-Middle Eastern relations
• Assists students and scholars in understanding the uniqueness of the Chinese model of engagement in the Middle East
• Explains why most Middle Easterners prefer China's engagement to Western engagement
• Explores the future of Sino-Middle Eastern relations

1	Sino—Middle East relations

An overview

The aim of this chapter is to examine the depth of Chinese—Middle Eastern relations and to highlight some of the major events that have taken place in the history of the two regions over the past three millennia. There are several periods that can be identified: the Silk Road, the Islamic, the Colonial, the post-World War II and the post-Mao periods.

The Silk Road period

Around 300 BC, China had strong trade relations with the Middle East through a network of Asian merchants. The main trade route extended for 4,000 miles from the city of Xian in China to Constantinople in Turkey. It was known as the Silk Road and the core of the exchange was silk, a precious Chinese commodity that played a leading role in the promotion of trade between China and the rest of the world. Silk was in high demand especially among wealthy merchants and ruling elites from Central Asia to the Middle East to Europe. In addition to trading in other commodities such as spices, amber, porcelain and ivory, many countries took advantage of the Silk Road: India introduced unique spices to the world; Persia exported precious rugs in high demand; and Arabia traded its horses and camels, prized for their strength, patience, ability to travel long journeys and endure the harshness of the world’s main thoroughfare.

Rather than looking at the Silk Road as just another economic route, China saw it as a corridor for speed and movement to boost its military capabilities. For instance, Central Asian nations, especially Kazakhstan, were the very first to domesticate horses. For its defence and expansion westward, China needed the lightweight, swift and strong Arabian horses that far exceeded other breeds in their speed and endurance. They were in great demand throughout history, and continue to be. These are the horses that carried Arabs as far east as China, and as far west as the heart of Europe. The peak of the Silk Road period occurred during Islamic rule, in which Muslims extended their domain from Western China to Southern and Western Europe. The Chinese Tang Dynasty, in particular, strengthened mutual trade relations with the Islamic empire.

Sino—Islamic relations

The advent of Islam on the Arabian scene marked a new phase in the relationship between China and the Middle East. Prophet Muhammad once said, ‘Seek knowledge, even if it’s in China’ with reference to the importance of seeking knowledge despite the geographical distance, and in reference to China as a source of enlightenment and wisdom. Realizing China’s strategic importance, his followers took drastic steps to establish solid diplomatic and economic relations with Chinese emperors and people. In the seventh century, the swift triumph of Islam brought the religion to the borders of China in record time, and at times into its heartland. In fact, a considerable number of Muslims were to be found in ‘Chinese Turkistan about AD 630’, that is during the lifetime of the Prophet (570–632).¹ Clearly, Islam reached China before it reached some parts of Arabia and North Africa precisely through Muslim merchants on the Silk Road. The Arab conquest of the Persian Empire speeded up the arrival of Islam in China in a more systematic way and, since then, the conquest of Central Asia has had a dramatic impact on Sino—Islamic relations.

When military clashes between Muslim armies and Persia began in the third decade of the seventh century, ‘Persian King Yazdegerd sent a delegation to China seeking military assistance in his conflict with Muslims, but the reply was that Persia was so far away, and China could not give military assistance. ’² The Persian envoy alarmed Chinese emperors about the rising power of Islam and piqued their curiosity. Tai-tsung (Gaozong), the powerful Tang Dynasty emperor, sent a diplomatic mission to Medina in the year 651 to meet with Caliph Othman. The goal of the ‘mission was to present the cause of the Persians.’³ Some sources state that Caliph Othman sent a return mission in the same year 651 led by Sa’ad ibn Abī Waqqās, a revered military general and a skilled diplomat, which ‘was received with every distinction.’⁴ The objective of the Waqqās mission was to convey the message of Islam to China and to the emperor personally, and to extend a hand of friendship. Although Emperor Gaozong did not convert to Islam, he showed unprecedented admiration towards the religion and towards Muslims. In fact, to commemorate the envoy and to express his friendship, he ordered the building of the first mosque in the capital city of Chang’an, which became the centre of Islamic presence in the empire. Chinese Muslim communities maintain that Commander Sa’ad resided and died in China, but the official annals of the Tang Dynasty and prominent Muslim historians such as Ibn Al Athir have no records of this narrative. At any rate, the Tang Dynasty was an enlightened civilization that celebrated diversity and multiculturalism; foreigners were warmly welcomed. Its capital and its other main city, Luoyang, became cultural and economic centres whose citizens consumed the famed products of Central Asia, Arabia and Persia. Arab and Muslim merchants traded with China, and some even resided in the country to form the first Muslim community in Xian. From that point on, Islam had a strong following in China that also spread to East Asia.

In the period between 651 and 714, Muslim armies led by Kutiba bin Muslim pushed to conquer the hinterland of Central Asia, building on the total conquest and absorption of the Persian Empire. Crown Prince Firuz, son of Yazdegerd, the last Persian king, fled to China where he was well received; he resided in Xian in 671. Kutiba’s soldiers defeated Central Asian armies and marched into Kashgar, in Chinese East Turkistan, or what is currently Xinjiang. Since then, an alliance formed between Muslims, Uyghur and Tibetans. Although Muslims considered Central Asia an extension of the Islamic world, given that the people had accepted Islam and became part of the Islamic Ummah, China continued to consider the region to be under its sphere of influence and clashed with Muslims particularly at its borders at a later stage.

The epic encounter between China and the Umayyad Dynasty occurred in 714 AD, 96 Hijrah (Muslim calendar), when Kutiba bin Muslim marched towards Kashgar, or Shi in East Turkistan (Xinjiang), which was under Chinese rule at that time, and began the conquest of China. Gaozong asked Kutiba to halt his advance and sent him some of his advisers to negotiate for peace. Kutiba agreed to the negotiations and, in so doing, he was adhering to Islam’s theory of war and peace: Muslim armies should give a warning, invite enemies to accept Islam, pay a tribute in exchange for peace and protection or go to war. Emperor Gaozong opted for the second option: a tribute and a peace treaty. Ibn Al Athir, the famous Muslim historian, narrates the story in his book, Al Kamil (The Complete History). Upon the emperor’s request, Kutiba sent ten of his military commanders and advisers led by a skilled diplomat, Hubira Ben Mushamraj Al Kelaabie. On the first day, these ten members of the Muslim delegation wore soft, white attire. They also sprayed themselves with cologne and sat at the imperial court for several hours, but the emperor did not speak to them, so they excused themselves and left. The emperor asked his advisers what they saw. They replied that they saw men as soft as women. The next day, the Muslim delegation had a semi-rough appearance and wore semi-rough attire. They wore silk turbans and covered their faces except the eyes, then walked into the court, sat, again did not exchange conversation and then left. The emperor then asked his advisers what they saw, and they replied that they saw ‘sort of men.’ On the third day, the Muslim delegation marched towards the court on horseback, with full battle uniform, swords, shields and arrows. The emperor asked them to leave but to send him back Hubira, the head of the diplomatic mission. In the meantime, the emperor asked his advisers what they saw. They replied that they saw warriors such as they had never seen before. The emperor asked Hubira to explain to him the meaning of the attire. He complied by explaining that on the first day they wore soft cloth as if among family and friends. On the second day, they wore semi-rough clothing as when they feel safe among their leaders, and on the third day, they dressed as if they were facing the enemy. The emperor liked what he heard. He told the diplomat to inform Kutiba to leave or he and his army would be destroyed. Hubira replied that Kutiba swore by Almighty God that he would step on China’s soil, force it to pay a tribute and stamp on its kings. In Islam, an oath like this is firm and must be carried out. The wise emperor replied: ‘As for stepping on China’s soil, I will send him soil and he can walk on it: this will fulfil his oath. As for a tribute, we will pay it; and I’ll send with you four princes for Kutiba to stamp on, and he did just that.’⁵ Therefore, the wise emperor avoided imminent defeat at the hands of the Muslim army, which withdrew to its bases in Samarkand and Bukhara in Central Asia.

Between 714 and 751, Muslim armies continued their expansion and conquest in all directions, except in China. Even with internal developments and conflicts such as the assassination of Kutiba bin Muslim in a power struggle, Muslims honoured the agreement between Kutiba and Emperor Gaozong, and trade prospered on both sides. Taking advantage of dissent and fighting within the Muslim Empire, China attempted to pursue its interests in Central Asia, especially in the rich Ferghana Valley, a wealthy multi-ethnic land shared by Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Ever since the Han Dynasty, China had sought control of this land. Developments on the political and military scenes on both sides brought them into collision in 751 near the Talas River, in what is currently Kyrgyzstan. Earlier, Arab armies had deposed King Ikhshid of the Ferghana Valley and installed King Alutar in his place. In turn, Ikhshid asked for China’s help. This was a stroke of luck for the Chinese who not only were in a position to support him militarily, but wanted to correct what they thought had been a mistake in allowing Arabs to advance into Central Asia and occupy East Turkistan to intimidate China. Chinese sources estimated the Chinese contingent that met near the Talas River at 10,000 soldiers, but Ibn Al Athir estimated it at around 100,000 soldiers and did not mention a figure for the size of the Muslim military. Abu Muslim Al Khurasani, the ruler of Khurasan (Iran, Afghanistan, Central Asia), mobilized an army estimated by Chinese sources at 100,000 soldiers. The Muslim army was triumphant: it killed about 50,000 Chinese and allies and took 20,000 captive while the rest fled to China. This makes the fleeing army an estimated 30,000.⁶

After the battle, the Abbasids consolidated their dominance in Central Asia, and Islam spread among the Turkic people, and in East Turkistan, or Xinjiang. According to Arab sources, the Talas Battle put an end to Chinese expansion in Central Asia. In fact, had the Muslim armies been willing to invade China, the latter could have fallen under Abbasid dominance like other parts of Asia, Southern Europe and West Africa. However, the Muslim armies maintained control over Xinjiang, the border with the Chinese empire, and pursued a co-operative relationship with China. As Keay put it, ‘the victorious Arab and Tibetan forces failed to follow up their triumph, and defeated Chinese had already written off Ferghana. World history was the only loser.’⁷ Xinjiang became part of the Islamic dominion and ‘the Chinese retreated … it was not until the Qianlong Emperor’s conquest, one thousand years later, that the Chinese intervened successfully again in Turkistan, and they haven’ left since.’⁸

The Abbasids and the Tangs

When the Abbasids took over the Umayyad Dynasty in 750, military tension between China and the Islamic Empire was reduced, with one exception: the aforementioned Talas Battle. It took place at a juncture of time in which the Abbasids were in the process of consolidating power; therefore, a limited confrontation with China was unavoidable as the latter pursued its territorial interests in Central Asia after the Kutiba—Tang agreement in 714. However, after Talas, relations between the Abbasids and Tangs improved significantly. The multicultural nature of both the Tang and the Abbasid empires facilitated open immigration of Arabs and Muslims to China, welcomed and encouraged by the Tang Emperors. The Muslim community enhanced China’s international trade and strengthened its alliance with the Abbasids. When the Tangs needed Muslim help to suppress internal revolutions, the Abbasids never hesitated to intervene. Between 755 and 763, ‘a Tartar named An Lusan, a general stationed at the border, rebelled against emperor Hsuang-tsung and proclaimed himself lord of China. The emperor handed over the throne to Su-tsung, who with the help of the Arabs defeated the Tartar. The 4,000 Arabs who had given him this assistance were given permission to settle within the border of the empire.’⁹ The Chinese emperors found in Arabs and Persians an industrious community, endowed with a strong work ethic and knowledge of science, mathematics, astronomy and geography; they employed them in the imperial court and in key government positions, especially in management.

The Abbasids were trade and science oriented. They promoted trade relations with the entire world, translated world literature into Arabic, took a major interest in architecture and music and relaxed tensions with conquered nationalities through decentralization of their administration. Political and economic missions to China continued, and intensified during the Abbasid rule, from 750 to 1257, during which time trade relations were the centrepiece between the two sides. The Abbasids’ ultimate goal was a foreign policy that promoted the establishment of an enduring civilization. The process of building such a civilization peaked during the reign of Haroun Al Rashid and his sons, Ameen and Mamoun, in the eighth and ninth centuries. They promoted trade and science, built monuments and palaces and translated written world heritage literature and previous civilizational contributions.

The Abbasids acknowledged Chinese contributions, especially in paper-making, astrology, irrigation and other fields. Chinese methods of manufacturing paper were introduced in the capital cities of Central Asia, spread to Baghdad, and from there to Spain, Europe and eventually to the entire known world. The Abbasids utilized paper very well. In fact, they embarked on the ambitious project of documenting world civilizations. To that end, they established the House of Wisdom in Baghdad. Major Chinese, Greek, Indian and other works were housed there and translated into Arabic. This process continued until the savagery of the Mongol invasion destroyed the bulk of the House of Wisdom in 1257. The invasion was the first and most shattering attack on Islam. It is not an exaggeration to say that its devastating consequences had repercussions for many centuries and will continue for many centuries to come, as the Islamic civilization never fully recovered from it. The Chinese civilization suffered a similar fate in 1212: it took China over three centuries to partially recover from it.

Both the Tang and the Abbasid dynasties were multicultural and trade oriented; diversity was welcomed, celebrated and embraced. Tang rulers found Muslims to be a vibrant merchant class, and provided Arab Muslim merchants with all the support they needed. They also found Muslims to be disciplined and law-abiding people, as instructed by Islam’s principles, and for this they admired them. The Muslim community concentrated on trade as its main goal, but at the same time reflected a positive image of Islam as a religion and of Muslims as a people. They and the Tang had identical goals; therefore, trade between China and the Islamic world flourished. As early Muslims in China observed the pillars of faith, they influenced their neighbours, but the spread of Islam was inadequate with the missionary nature of Islam itself or the strength of the Muslim community in China. Nevertheless, Muslims’ approach to the propagation of Islam in China proved to be practical. For example, when other religions, especially Buddhism, were under state oppression, Muslims were left alone to practise their faith as they had not articulated a plan of conversion for the Chinese people or advocated Islam as a religion.

One of the tragic events that occurred to the prosperous Muslim communities in China during the Tang Dynasty happened in 878 AD. The Han majority protested against the successful Muslim community because they were jealous of the economic prosperity of Arab immigrants. The protests led to the massacre of over 100,000 Muslims. ‘The tragedy led Arab immigrants to migrate to South East Asia and settle in that region. Therefore, the spread of Islam to Malaysia and South East Asia comes first from China (E...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Full Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• List of illustrations
• Acknowledgements
• Abbreviation
• Introduction
• 1 Sino-Middle East relations: an overview
• 2 A five-dimensional paradigm: energy, trade, arms sales, cultural relations and political co-operation
• 3 Walking on thin ropes: a tridimensional perspective
• 4 China's reaction to the Arab Spring
• 5 China and Israel: the Jewish presence in China
• 6 China and Saudi Arabia
• 7 China and Iran
• 8 China and the United Arab Emirates
• 9 China-Algeria Relations
• Conclusion
• Notes
• Index