SPECTATORIAL COMMUNITIES AND KINSHIP
Scottâs representation of history and politics illustrates how cultural work contends with state ideologies in the creation of a ânational imaginaryâ. This can be defined as a horizon of expectations for citizens of Jamaica as a nation including a monoracial (African) heritage, participation in a stable family unit, and a traditional assignment of gender roles. Within this imaginary men are expected to contribute to the national and domestic economies as the primary breadwinners, while women participate in these economies in both productive and reproductive capacities, evident in the governmentâs encouragement of women as wage earners under the democratic socialist experiment. Surprisingly for a playwright so closely attuned to state policies, Scottâs plays were not primarily meant for the audiences who were the focus of his community drama and theatre in development programs. The performance venues of the plays can help conceptualize the specifics of audience interpellation in the national imaginary envisaged microcosmically as a spectatorial community. An Echo in the Bone was performed as a commemoration play at the University of the West Indies (UWI), Mona, showcased as Jamaicaâs entry into the Caribbean Festival of Arts (CARIFESTA), and at the Lagos Festival of Black Arts in the 1970s. The revivals of Echo in the 1980s include a much acclaimed production by Talawa, a black theatre company based in London. Dog was written when Scott was director of the Jamaican School of Drama, and was first performed by the Caribbean Theatre Workshop at the UWI, Mona in 1978; subsequent performances include those in Trinidad and in London as part of the Black Theatre Season. Clearly, these plays showcased Jamaica for international audiences. However, since they have been revived most often at the UWI, an examination of this performance venue is crucial to understanding the creation of spectatorial communities.3
Formed under the aegis of the British government to fulfill the educational needs of its colonies in the West Indies, the UWI can be seen as embodying what David Scott (no relation to Dennis Scott) has perceptively identified in Refashioning Futures as the âcrisisâ of the postcolonial state. This crisis involves âa decline of the hegemony of the middle class nationalist-modernâ whose project was âto integrate progressively the social and cultural formations that composed the plurality of Jamaica around a single conception of the national good and a single portrait of the national citizen-subject.â This is an optimistic view of âhegemonic dissolutionâ that considers the âincreasing moral, social, and economic autonomy of the popular classes.â The sites for the propagation of the nationalist modern are elite dominated and include âuniversity lecturers, psychologists, journalists, radio talk-show hosts, politiciansâ; those of the popular modern arise from performative locations such as dancehall and reggae and constitute a âsubaltern cultural-politicsâ (David Scott 191â93, 214). An analysis of UWIâs role in the developmental and cultural agenda of the Jamaican state indicates a somewhat different picture of the crisis in postcolonial Jamaica than that presented by David Scott. I am suggesting that a modification of these pertinent ideas can account for the different realms of the ânationalâ and the âpopularâ in Jamaica: theatre and drama categorized as national culture inhabit institutional and community settings often with explicitly pedagogical aims; dancehall, within the popular domain, often relies on commercial or mass appeal in settings devoted almost exclusively to entertainment with no explicitly pedagogical aim.
The pedagogical dimensions of national culture during the 1970s are outlined by Rex Nettleford in his interview with David Scott. Manleyâs âconscious cultural policy,â according to Nettleford, was aimed at âshaping a societyâ (222, 231). In Caribbean Cultural Identity Nettleford mentions that UWIâs Extra-Mural Department was the nodal point for culture put to developmental purposes; its Creative Arts Centre was the âbridge between the campus and the community through practice of the artsâ (50). The UWI can thus be examined as a site for the consolidation of the stateâs cultural agenda, dependent, in large measure, upon eliminating distinctions between the national and the popular by using culture for development. To put it differently, under the democratic socialist ideology the university as one of the sites of the ânationalist modernâ was urged to make connections with the âpopular modern.â It is against this background of the goals and aims of UWI and some of its constituent departmentsâoutlined not by communities but by the dictates of the nationalist modern supposedly for the benefit of those very communitiesâthat Prime Minister Manleyâs cultural program can be assessed.
In 1972 Manley appointed an Exploratory Committee on the Arts headed by Nettleford which reported that the responsibility for arts lies on the âcommunityâ rather than exclusively on the government. The governmentâs role is to provide âconstructive guidanceâ to cultural development âlinked to economic and social development through the countryâs educational policy, adult education and youth community programs as well as direct assistance to national cultural groupsâ (Caribbean Cultural 90). Trevor Munroe has defined civil society in Jamaica as referring to both the ânon-political voluntary associations occupying the space between the state and the marketâ and âthe networks and relationships which may or may not crystallize into groups but which nevertheless connect individuals together in some non-coercive, reciprocally purposive manner.â Munroe mentions the existence of many such groups in third-world contexts that sometimes develop into formal structures; he also emphasizes the role of voluntary efforts, aided by either the government or the private sector, in forming civic associations (78â79). The university is one such locus of networks and relationships that draws strength from âvoluntary efforts,â although it does not fit voluntarism neatly as a schema for civil society that is valorized (and sometimes necessitated) in locations with scarce resources such as the third world at large and Jamaica in particular. The university can thus be seen as a site of waged as well as voluntary labor that subsidizes state expenditure through its work with communities in civil society, including the important theatrical experiments in the 1970s mentioned at the beginning of this chapter. Scottâs focus on drama for underprivileged local communities is in keeping with the national cultural pedagogy envisaged by Manley and Nettleford. However, in his own plays, that are the focus of this chapter, he offers a somewhat different view on community.
Caribbean theorizations of community have primarily been in the geographical terms urban, semiurban, or rural offered by Carl Stone; on the basis of affiliation with political parties as suggested by Gray; and more recently, as involving a âconception of differenceâ in which âconflict, dispute, argument, contestationâin short, agonismâare seen as constitutive rather than dispensable to a common lifeâ according to David Scott (âPermanenceâ 298). Related to this idea of the community and the reiterated but largely amorphous state-defined program of the well-being of social groups as communities, but also opposed to its claims, are the demands of kinship or personal/familial well-being.4 Kinship and community as represented in Echo and Dog can be read through Joseph Roachâs formulation of the relationship between memory and performance as âsurrogation.â For Roach performance âstands in for an elusive entity that it is not, but must viably aspire both to embody and to replaceâ in the same way as relationships within the community aspire to the obligations of kinship relations (3). The close approximation of community and kinship in these plays is, in my view, a validation of non-biological associations that helps sustain people in times of social conflict and hardship. This is often the case in situations marked by unequal access to resources as well as income disparities exacerbated by the stateâs neglect of its poor and disenfranchised populations.
The social purposes of memory, mourning, and performance suggested by Roach serve as my points of departure for an examination of the forms of kinship and community explored in Echo and Dog. Roach has suggested that Echo âdramatizes the cultural politics of memory, particularly as they are realized through communications between the living and the deadâ (34). Structured around ritual as a medium of social interaction, Echo is about impoverished Afro-Caribbean peasantry in the 1930s, who suffer under the control of wages, resources, and markets by the Creole landowners. Its central incident is the black farmer Crewâs murder of a white landowner, Mr. Charles, when the latter refuses his request to divert water from his large landholding to Crewâs small farm. Crewâs disappearance (it is assumed he has drowned himself) is the topic of speculation and discussion in the rural community. The Nine-Night ritual arranged by Crewâs widow Rachel in her husbandâs memory comprises the action of the play.5 Rachel invites a few close friends to the ceremony, that is marked by ritual drumming, sharing of food, drink, ganja smoking, and recounting stories about the dead person. The incantatory, call-and-response nature of the ceremony builds a natural rhythm, one in which all members of the community participate:
MADAM: Who is Dead?
RACHEL: A man.
P: What is his name?
RACHEL: Crew.
DREAM: Where him come from?
RACHEL: Darkness.
SONSON: Where him gone to?
RACHEL: Darkness.
JACKO: What him life was like?
RACHEL: Sorrow.
STONE: What his life was?
RACHEL: Smoke.
BRIGIT: Who going remember him?
RACHEL: Friends.
STONE: Who going remember him?
RACHEL: Sons.
P: What him leave with us?
RACHEL: Smoke. (85)
The older folk of the village, Rachel, Mas P., Stone, Madam, and Rattler, understand the structural connections between the past and the present better than the young people such as Rachelâs sons Jacko and Sonson, her daughter-in-law Brigit, Madamâs granddaughter Lally, and Lallyâs admirer Dreamboat. Despite participating in the ritual, Brigit and Lally constantly question its value. The young peopleâs skepticism, although it does not affect the bonds within the community, is in contrast to Madamâs compassionate understanding of Rachelâs desire for the mourning ceremony.6
The teleological sequence of the mourning ritual is disrupted by a series of historical and contemporary events: re-enactment of Afrocentric history depicting the middle passage, a slave auction, a slave ownerâs encounter with the maroons, and a Creo...