I
âDamit ein Ereigniss Grösse habe, muss zweierlei zusammenkommen: der grosse Sinn Derer, die es vollbringen, und der grosse Sinn Derer, die es erlebenâ (For an event to be great two different things must come together: greatness of sentiment in those who bring it to pass, and greatness of sentiment in those who experience it): with these words, Nietzsche opened his âFestschriftâ, Richard Wagner in Bayreuth, on the occasion of the first performance of Wagnerâs Der Ring des Nibelungen in 1876.
The student who wishes to establish Nietzscheâs opinion of Der Ring and its bearing on Also sprach Zarathustra is hampered by the dearth of material. In 1873, Nietzsche adjudicated in a prize essay competition on the subject of the trilogy; and four years later he remitted an exegetical study by Otto Eiser to Wahnfried for inclusion in the first issues of the Bayreuther BlĂ€tter. References to the music-drama in his own writings are, however, few; and the notebooks in which he poured forth a stream of critical comment about Wagner give it hardly more than perfunctory recognition. Yet it would be to over-simplify in this case if what at first appears to be calculated coolness were to be taken as real lack of interest.
Briefly, it is to be remembered that Der Ring des Nibelungen engrossed Wagnerâs energies between 1868â76. There are few developments during this momentous period in the artistâs life with which Nietzsche cannot to some extent be associated and identified, so that the history of the first eight years of his friendship with Wagner reads as a sustained commentary on the founding of the Bayreuth Festival.
Nietzsche came to Wagnerâs music in the spring of 1861, when still a pupil at Pforta, by way of Hans von BĂŒlowâs vocal score of Tristan und Isolde (published in 1860). After this he started to study the music-dramas at the piano. When he met Wagner in Leipzig in 1868, Der Ring was unfinished and only two of Karl Klindworthâs vocal scores were to hand. With these scores Nietzsche was thoroughly conversant: he had been introduced to Das Rheingold (vocal score 1861) by Gustav Krug in a paper written for the âGermaniaâ society at Pforta in May 1862; and he had followed Krugâs dissertation with a paper on Die WalkĂŒre (vocal score 1865) in 1866. These studies were resumed after he came into residence at Basel in 1869. Siegfried, nearing completion at the time of his first holiday visit to the VierwaldstĂ€ttersee, and GötterdĂ€mmerung are fairly frequently mentioned in Wagnerâs and Cosimaâs correspondence; and in the course of his twenty-three visits to Tribschen in the first three years of his tenure of the chair of classics at Basel University, Nietzsche was kept regularly informed of the latest developments, following them with a lively sense of personal participation and regaling his family and friends with news of his latest discoveries.
The 1870s saw the publication of some of Wagnerâs most important speculative writings after a fallow period, as well as of numerous occasional articles designed to woo and influence public opinion. Now, with encouragement from Nietzsche, earlier plans for a music-journalâeventually the Bayreuther BlĂ€tterâbegan to take a more definite shape. Besides this, the compilation of the Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, which contained the tracts of the Dresden period for which there was an urgent public demand1 and a revised version of the text of the trilogy (which had not seen the light of day since the first public edition of 1863), gave scope for further research. The new edition of Wagnerâs literary works was of particular personal interest. In 1871, at Cosimaâs request, Nietzsche prepared for it the text of the âGroĂe Heldenoperâ, Siegfriedâs Tod, by transcribing in longhand the whole of the copiously amended manuscript. Since Siegfriedâs Tod corresponds to GötterdĂ€mmerung in many respects, the commission could not have failed to bring him close to Wagnerâs dramatic conception in Der Ring des Nibelungen. We shall see that before long, probably as a result of the experience, the history of the cycle was recounted to him in some detail.
It can therefore be said that in the early years when Nietzsche was most responsive to W agnerâs personality and most eager to get to know his works, Der Ring des Nibelungen was the object of sustained study. Considering the zeal Nietzsche had displayed in promoting Wagnerâs cause and the frequently appreciative comments in his early letters, the reader may be puzzled by his claimâfrequently reiterated in the later writingsâthat his repudiation of the artist coincided with the premiĂšre of the cycle. Scholars have pointed out that the account of his violent reaction against Wagner at the first Bayreuth Festival in 1876 advanced in the preface to Menschliches, Allzwnenschliches, Part II, Ecce homo, Nietzsche contra Wagner, in the open letter to Ferdinand Avenarius the editor of Der Kunstwart in 1888, and elsewhere, is incompatible with the evidence. We are reminded in particular that Nietzscheâs precarious healthâwhich was to give him only twelve more painful years of active lifeâwas at a very low ebb. Nonetheless, it is easy to see why, retrospectively, when attempting to pin down the precise moment that he came to his senses and realized his total antipathy to Wagner, he chose to dwell on the event that marked the fulfilment of the artistâs most extravagant hopes and the attainment of his well-nigh unattainable ambitions. The obvious explanation is that Nietzsche accepted the Festival for what it clearly was: the climax of Wagnerâs career; a personal triumph in the face of overwhelming odds; the âgreatest victory any artist has ever wonâ (MA II-Vorrede, § 1). In later years, therefore, when his unspoken misgivings had given way to open defiance, it became imperative for him to re-appraise the historic event which, for some eight years, he had striven to help to bring to pass. A process of rationalization began, and in consequence of this, the first performance of Der Ring assumed a new, strategic place in the story of his progress towards emancipation.
II
A golden hoard is a standard subject of the heroic epic; yet the story of the quest for a ring fashioned from the Rhineâs gold and endowed with peculiar properties is essentially an original invention, exploited by Wagner with considerable artistry and daring.
The first property of Wagnerâs ring is that it gives its bearer unlimited power. This property renders the ring desirable and supplies the motivation for each development in the plot, which may be said to be concerned with the lust for power defined in different ways by the different parties-gods, giants, dwarfs, heroes-involved in the struggle for its possession. At the outset, hard upon the theft of the gold, the scenario, Die Nibelungensage (Mythus),2 informs us âso ausgerĂŒstet strebt Alberich nach der Herrschaft ĂŒber die Welt u. Alles in ihr Enthalteneâ (thus equipped, Alberich strives for dominion over the world and everything in it. W-A7 26). Next, the ring is the nub of a savage confrontation between the amphibious Alberich and Wotan, whose âwill to powerâ is the main subject of his long monologue in the second Act of Die WalkĂŒreâperhaps the most revealing analysis of the godâs plight:
Ambition induces the dwarf Mime to rear the infant Siegfried through whom he hopes to win the hoard. Siegfriedâa pawn in Wotanâs power strategy, who prizes the ring as a love-token and is largely indifferent to its other attributesâfinds a counsellor in the woodbird (Siegfried, Act II), whose words he recalls (GötterdĂ€mmerung, Act III):
Nietzscheâs concept of âwill to powerâ is of particular importance. In Also sprach Zarathustra, the concept is for the most part implicitly discussed, being related to the process of self-conquest (âSelbst-Ăberwindungâ) that is to engender the future humanity of the âĂbermenschâ and the teaching of eternal return. References to it in the published writings are fewâthis is true of some of Nietzscheâs most characteristic tenets; and it receives scant attention in Ecce homo, which otherwise offers a fairly comprehensive summary of his thought. Still, the importance of Jenseits von Gut und Böse, § 36, and the emphasis that accrues to the term âWille zur Machtâ in the unpublished papersâan emphasis exploited by Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche and her team of advisers in their presentation of this huge corpus of materialâis widely acknowledged.
The advocacy of power, like the commendation of strife and friendship, owes much to Nietzscheâs classical studies; but the works of the Basel period show that the association with Wagner also contributed to the codification of the premiss. A letter to Rohde, 29 May 1869, soon after Nietzscheâs first visit t...