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THE PERPETRATORS
We are not a cancer. . . . The disease is unbelief. . . . [E]veryone knows democracy is unbelief, and everyone knows the constitution is unbelief, and everyone knows that there are things Allah has forbidden in the Qurâan . . . [things] that are going on in western schools.
âABUBAKAR SHEKAU
We never dwelled on it, but in the weeks leading up to our scheduled departure, we were shaken every time we learned of another brutal attack in Nigeria. The mostly unspoken question was, Why are we doing this? Every time we were able to put a name and face on even one unknown victim, we knew we had to go. But the scope of one attack that took place just days before our arrival shook us up. Such brazen, cold-blooded, calculated brutalityâhow to make sense of it all? We would soon learn that full answers and easy solutions would prove elusive.
The attack happened near the city of Auno in Borno State, not far from its capital, Maiduguri, after the travelers had been refused passage at a military checkpoint.1
According to CNN, the military officers told them that they couldnât enter the city after 4:00 p.m., so they were faced with two terrible options: turn back and drive all night through a dangerous area or sleep in their cars outside the gates of the city until the next morning.
They opted for the latter because it seemed safer, but that decision would prove fatal. Terrorist gunmen speeding past on motorcycles began spraying gunfire at the civilian cars. They eventually set nearly twenty vehicles on fire, burning alive the trapped victims. Those they didnât kill they kidnapped. Among the innocents ruthlessly massacred was a beautiful nineteen-year-old student named Fatima Babagana. She was studying political science at the University of Maiduguri to pursue a childhood dream of becoming a journalist. Within earshot of a military checkpoint, she and her traveling companions were left in a terroristâs fishbowl.2
The governor of Borno told the local media that the federal governmentâs soldiers responsible for guarding the checkpoint normally just abandon their positions after 5:00 p.m., leaving the entire area vulnerable to the terrorists.3 This was at least the sixth attack on Auno in less than a year.
One observer tweeted, How do you lock the city gate, leaving innocent citizens to sleep on the Highway in a conflict zone, without providing adequate protection for them? What kind of a Country is this?4 Welcome to Nigeria.
BOKO HARAM SEEKS A HOLY WAR
The group that committed the massacre in Auno is technically called Jamaâatu Ahlis Sunna Liddaâawati Wal-Jihad. It means âPeople Committed to the Propagation of the Prophetâs Teachings and Jihad.â
The rest of the world calls them by a common local reference: Boko Haram. It brings together two words, one in the local Hausa language and the other in Arabic, and together they mean âWestern education is forbidden.â5
The group was once an âisolated sect in Northern Nigeria [that] came to reach out to international jihadists in the al-Qaeda network [before] later switching their allegiance to [ISIS].â6 Their armed insurgency began in Northern Nigeria as early as 2009, but today their influence is multinational, stretching from northeastern Nigerian territories to the broader Lake Chad region, including northern Cameroon, western Chad, and Niger.7
Boko Haram became active long before taking up arms; the group formed in the early 1990s in Maiduguri, which was a âramshackle city of just over a million people, draped along an ancient shoreline of Lake Chad called the Bama Ridge.â8
The name Boko Haram may initially seem strange for a terrorist organization, but it isnât when you understand a bit more about the history of Nigeriaâa history in which Islam came and conquered before eventually settling into a delicate but uneasy balance with outside influences and European colonial powers. This was accompanied by growing conflict within Muslim leadership.
Scott MacEachern provides helpful context:
The religious and political roots of Boko Haram extend much further back in time, however, to the coming of Islam to this part of Africa. People do not realize the long history of Islam and the African continent, especially between the Atlantic and Lake Chad in West Africa, and along the East African coast. . . . Muslims certainly lived . . . northeast of Lake Chad, by the early eleventh century . . . [and] rulers of Islamic states [in the region, then] made accommodations with the religions of their non-Muslim subjects. . . . By the seventeenth century, controversies concerning Islam began to bubble up across this part of the continent. Reformist [conservative] Muslim clerics criticized the reigning Muslim rulers for being both wicked in their governance and lax in their duties as Muslims and in their responsibility for converting their citizens to Islam. They replaced the earlier elite tolerance of non-Muslim practice with a purer, more rigorous and more inclusive form of Islam, one that encompassed the entire state within the dar al-Islam. . . . Muslim reformers put those critiques into action in a series of jihads.9
That West African expansion of Islam eventually led to the âLake Chad Basin by the late eighteenth century, when a reformist Fulani cleric named Usman dan Fodio overthrew the Hausa rulers of Northern Nigeria . . . establishing the Sokoto Caliphate [which] lasted until the coming of European colonial powers a century later.â10
Much criticism is levied against the vices of colonialists. But a Yale scholar from Gambia, the late Lamin Sannehâwhom we dined with in Los Angeles not long before his sudden passing in early 2019âhelps us see that âcolonial rule introduced modern, global forcesâpolitical and economicâinto the Muslim world.â11 This resulted in a âjudicious mix of policies . . . [that] enabled the Islamization of society rather than the Islamization of the state,â which Sanneh argues âundercut [the preceding years of] armed jihad.â12
Yet to solidify their control, the British rulers also cut a deal with the historic Islamic leaders and âpromised the emirs [of Northern Nigeria] that there would be no interference in religious matters and interpreted this to mean that Islam would be upheld as the religion of any state whose ruler called himself a Muslim.â As a result, the British, as Sanneh has noted, âenabled Islamic law to gain greater influence.â13
Nigeria, then, has a long history, ancient and present, when it comes to the institution of Islamic law in various forms throughout its northern states. Some rejected and felt threatened by new values the nation adopted when it became a democracy, and in the 1990s some seized the moment to entrench Islamic law throughout the Muslim North.
Boko Haram emerged during this âperiod of extreme political and religious tension, associated with the expansion of Sharia by the governments of different northern states within the Federal Republic of Nigeria, from 1999 onward.â14 That time of tension was partly the product of the weakening of the federal system of government in Nigeria, which ceded more power to individual statesâstates that were happy to intermingle religious authority with government. Many of these states had also been the focus of increased missionary activity by Wahhabist Muslims from the Gulf.
As a result, governors in these majority Muslim states also found (and still find) political support in accommodating increasingly conservative Nigerian Muslims.15 Twelve of Nigeriaâs northern states are now governed by Sharia law.16 While the 1999 revision of the Federal Republic of Nigeriaâs constitution didnât expand Sharia law per se, it further enshrined Islam within Nigeriaâs government so that the entire country feels as if it is effectually an Islamic state, even though only half of the nation is Muslim.
As one retired military officer first told us in secret during a visit, âThe Constitution mentions Islam in some form many dozens of times, but despite this country being half Christianâand a kind of democracyâthere isnât a single reference, or inference, related to Christianity.â
Moreover, during the regime of current president Muhammadu Buhariâs administration, the National Security Council and virtually all security agencies are led almost exclusively by northern Muslims.
This aggressive Islamization of the Nigerian state apparatus and key institutions also fuels conspiracy theories throughout the country, especially among Christians that âdepict Boko Haram as a front for other actors.â In actuality, Boko Haramâs leaders have ârepeatedly rejected central symbols of Nigerian national identity [like] the constitution, the pledge of allegiance, the national anthem,â17 and in February 2020, they threatened President Buhari when he visited Maiduguri days after the terrorists had murdered those thirty innocent civilians in Auno.18
It is troubling but true that on repeated occasions the Nigerian government attempted to negotiate with Boko Haram,19 causing many inside and outside Nigeria to question why the government didnât simply crush the violent insurgent movement. Moreover, a West Point publication in 2012 struggled to explain why the Nigerian government wasnât doing more to deal with this radical insurgency, concluding that
the Nigerian government seems incapable of responding to Boko Haram, and through a series of mistakes has revealed what outside observers have long suspected: certain elements of the security forces and political leaders of Muslim-majority northern Nigeria are either complicit with Boko Haramâs operations, or they are taking a rather complacent view of its success.20
Complicit or not, one thing is clear: the Nigerian government will never be sufficiently âIslamicâ to satisfy Boko Haram unless it becomes an Islamic state. Such a development could spawn horrors worse than what the world witnessed in Iraq and in Syria in 2014.
In fact, Boko Haramâs leader, Abubakar Shekau, said as much even prior to the rise of ISIS in the Middle East. The occasion was a video message to Nigeriaâs former president Goodluck Jonathan (a Christian), who had called them a âcancerâ after they bombed a church.
Shekau replied, âWe are not a cancer. . . . The disease is unbelief. . . . [E]veryone knows democracy is unbelief, and everyone knows the constitution is unbelief, and everyone knows that there are things Allah has forbidden in the Qurâan . . . [things] that are going on in western schools.â21
Along with the mounting Islamization of Nigeria, Boko Haram continues to wage an unrelenting war throughout the northeast of the country, razing villages, beheading âinfidels,â kidnapping young girls, and bringing every type of hell imaginable on earth. As we will soon see, these tactics particularly target Nigeriaâs vulnerable Christians. As Shekau brazenly declared in 2010, âWe are declaring a holy war! We will fight the Christians, because everyone knows what they have done to the Muslims!â22
Boko Haramâs brutality is increasingly outpaced by Fulani Muslim militants in other parts of Nigeria with a scorched earth methodology, even if the Fulanis do not fully share Boko Haramâs theology or ideology.
They arenât alone either. Thousands of miles away, in East Africa, another group has similar sights set on Christian...