1
Town Planning and the Urban and Rural Landscapes
Let old Jerusalem stand firm, and new Jerusalem grow in grace!1
INTRODUCTION:
THEORETICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The debate on colonial discourse and post-colonial theory further evolved from that of the 1970s, when âThird Worldâ writers began to âwrite backâ. An important part of the post-colonial debate concerned the colonial urban landscape and its legacy. Hence, Jane M. Jacobsâ âgeographies of imperialismâ highlighted that in Perth, Australiaâs indigenous Aborigines saw their sacred Goonininup grounds given only a symbolic space. But how true is Zygmunt Baumanâs claim that âurban planning became the vehicleâ for the âperfect world that would know no misfits ⊠[with] no unattended sites left to chanceâ?2 Odile Goerg and Chantal Chanson-Jabeur examined different criteria for urbanism in its colonial context, questioning the use of âmodelsâ; whilst Christelle Robin saw at least three factors in the many âmodelsâ of the âville europĂ©enneâ urban morphologies that were supposedly transferred to the colonies: history, geography, culture. These combined to form a singularly colonial urban landscape.3
Writing on the colonial impact on urban centres, Anthony D. King took his cue partly from Janet Abu-Lughodâs commentary on the âtransplantâ of the âmodern cityâ, which produced a âdual cityâ as a colonial legacy: âphysically juxtaposed but architecturally and socially distinctâ. King teased out the indicators that show that colonial urban centres do not readily fall into categories â conceptualising, for example, the role of cross-cultural phenomena, socio-spatial structure and analyses of policy, planning and resource distribution, as well as economic, social and urban form. Just as technological changes affected city forms, so too did they ârevolutioniseâ the âsocial and political structureâ of society. The main colonial function of an urban centre (administrative and so on) influenced both the centre itself and its rural surrounds.4 King goes a step further, and discusses the impact of regional planning and its significance in the export and transmission of colonial technology and capitalism in the formation and application of âdependencyâ theories on urbanism and empire. He argues that the city can have a major role as the âspearhead of economic, political and cultural penetrationâ, changing the colonised society or territory.5
Robert J. Ross and Gerard J. Telkamp maintained that cities were ânecessary evilsâ to colonists as administrative and commercial centres;6 and A.J. Christopher emphasised the role of capitals and the hierarchy of power bases, which could distort a countryâs economy, producing new trading and communications tangents.7 Tourism was also a by-product of the empires. A particularly potent force in colonial cities was urban planning, which in its crudest form produced racially segregated landscapes such as those in Singapore and South Africa, also expressed in the relative availability of services to the rulers and the ruled.8
Town planning in the British Empire originated with British statutory planning â beginning in England with the Housing and Town Planning Act of 19099 â and the evolving municipality system.10 Such planning became increasingly complex, encompassing garden cities, design, housing, and regional and national planning; much of which was developed in the inter-war period. Nathaniel Lichfield noted how âland-use and development planning evolvedâ, requiring âspecific interventionâ, and eventually leading to planned Government intervention.11 The Town Planning Institute and the Royal Institute of British Architects lent further weight to town planning and its export to the Empire.
Precursors to town planning in British Mandated Palestine were present in the Ottoman Laws of 1877 and 1891, though these were largely limited to building and street construction.12 Until 1921, there was no Town Planning Law in the country: âTown Planning, good, bad or indifferent did, however, take place before the [British] Occupationâ. Under the 1877 Ottoman Law, municipalities were given certain powers regarding building construction and the widening and âarrangement of streetsâ. The 1891 Ottoman Law concerned the construction and alignment of streets, and provided for land in Municipal Areas to be taken over for new streets or to widen existing streets.13
The British enacted Palestineâs first Town Planning Ordinance in 1921, basing it on the English Town Planning Act of 1909. This was twice amended in 1922 and 1929, with a new Ordinance being passed in 1936 (amended in 1936, 1938, 1939 and 1941), and a further 65 sets of by-laws and five sets of rules.14 The general history of the Ordinances is discussed by M.D. Gouldman, as well as Joseph Fruchtman, who argued that British town planning in Palestine was an instrument of âsocial controlâ.15 The Ordinancesâ history will not therefore be analysed. Several studies chart aspects of British town planning in Palestine: such as those by Benjamin Hyman on town planners during 1917â36; Fuchs on Austen St. Barbe Harrison, Chief Architect in the Mandatoryâs PublicWorks Department (1923â37); and those on Haifa, by Gilbert Herbert and Silvina Sosnovsky;16 while Kark and Michal Oren-Nordheim, for example, look at some of the British colonial aspects of planning in Jerusalem.17
Other works are about the land, morphology and society in, and transformation of, Arab villages: see, for example, works by David H.K. Amiran, Y. Bar-Gal and A. Soffer, Moshe Brawer, David Grossman, Sami Hadawi,18 Ylana N. Miller, Susan Slymovics, and Ori Stendel.19 Many studies by Palestinians comment on and record Arab property in towns and villages during the Mandate: such as those by Salman Abu-Sitta, Aziz Dweik, Walid Khalidi, Izzat Tannous, Salim Tamari, and John Tleel;20 also studies by institutes: notably Birzeit Universityâs Destroyed Village Series, the Institute of Jerusalem Studies, and Bethlehemâs Badil Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights. Furthermore, there are studies on particular towns and villages: for example, by âAbdullah Asad âUdi on Al Kababir, and Malik Hussein Salalhah on Beit Jann (in the Galilee).21
The period 1936â48 is, therefore, the main subject here, with the focus on town and regional planning, plan implementation, village development, city primacy, and post-war housing, and not on the town plans themselves. The aim is to examine the fundamental ideas and concepts behind British town planning in Palestine, and behind aspects of the urban and rural landscapes connected to British operations. Consequently, Kingâs more broad-ranging and analytical theories referred to above, on changes caused by colonial rule, are more notably used here.
TOWN PLANNING AND THE URBAN LANDSCAPE
Henry Kendall and Town Planning Policy
The abolition of the Central Town Planning Commission in 1936 in favour of District and Local Commissions, and the history of the 1936 Town Planning Ordinance, are well documented by Fruchtman.22 Palestine experienced ârapid urban developmentâ due to increased Jewish immigration after the Nazi rise to power in Germany in 1933 (see, Appendix 5). In 1936, Henry Kendall was therefore appointed as Palestineâs first full-time Town Planning Adviser, replacing Clifford Holliday, who had been Adviser since 1922.23
Kendall remained Palestineâs Town Planning Adviser to the end of the Mandate, while also encouraging and being involved with town planning in Cyprus and Malta. From the outset, he strove to frame town planning within its proper technical context, insisted on defining such planning terms as âamenitiesâ (âclear air to breathe ⊠the sight of beautiful things âŠâ), and instigated the Town Planning Adviserâs Annual Reports in 1936.24 He lectured architects on their âresponsibility to posterityâ, even calling on Henry W. Longfellow: âAh to build, to build./That is the noblest art of all artsâ.25 Kendall sent the District Commissioners a memorandum on planning objectives concerning zoning, public services, and other related matters, as expressed in the Town Planning Ordinance of 1936 (see, Table 3). In fact, by 1936, town planning was already well established in Palestine, with the number of Planning Areas (excluding Regional Areas) rising from ten in 1930, to 31 in 1939, and 40 in 1948 (see, Table 4 and Map 2). The Ordinance aimed to bring the whole country under statutory planning through decentralisation. It was intended to give greater District and local involvement in planning, through the elimination of the Central Town Planning Commission, hence the multiplication of town-planning activities after its enactment (see, Table 5).26
Table 3. Matters to Be Dealt with in a Town Planning Scheme, According to the Town Planning Ordinance, 1936
Outline Scheme: Section 12
- Every Local Commission shall submit to the District Commission, within such time as may be prescribed by the District Commission, an outline town planning scheme in respect of all lands within a town planning area, with the general object of securing proper conditions of health, sanitation and communication, and amenity and convenience in connection with the laying out and use of the land.
- Without prejudice to the powers of the Local Commission under this Ordinance, every scheme to which this section applies shall make provision for all or any of the following matters, as may be prescribed by the District Commission:
- construction of new roads and streets, and the construction, diversion, widening, alteration and stopping up of existing roads, main roads, streets and communications;
- the establishment of building lines and set-backs;
- drainage, including sewerage;
- water supply;
- the limitation of zones within which special trades and industries may or may not be carried on, or which are reserved exclusively for residential or other purposes;
- the imposition of conditions and restrictions in regard to the open space to be maintained about buildings and the particular height and character of buildings to be allowed in specified areas;
- the demarcation of public and private open spaces and nature reserves;
- the reservation of land as sites...