SEAMUS HEANEY
Seamus Heaney was born in rural County Derry in 1939. He attended St Columbâs College in Derry and went to Queenâs University Belfast to study English in 1957. In 1966 Faber & Faber published his first volume of poetry, Death of a Naturalist, to considerable critical acclaim. He published thirteen volumes of original poetry alongside many translations, plays and critical essays. A Nobel laureate and Professor of Poetry at both Oxford and Harvard, he was regarded as one of the finest English language poets of his generation and the most important Irish poet since Yeats. He personally prized the critic Karl Millerâs description of him as âa poet to be grateful forâ. His sudden death on 30th August 2013 bore that out, prompting a great sense of loss and appreciation locally, nationally and internationally.
We met over lunch in his Dublin home.
Seamus Heaney:
For a long time the name Ulster was used by people of a unionist persuasion as a kind of signal that for them, Ulster was British. Ulster in that case stood not so much for the six counties bounded by the border, but for a Northern Ireland affiliated to the UK. l remember, for example, Joseph Tomeltyâs ironical parting shot to me when Iâd be leaving his company, was always âAnd donât forget youâre British!â So nationalists had a standoff from that usage. At that time, if I described myself as an Ulsterman Iâd have thought I was selling a bit of my birthright because Iâd be subscribing to the âUlster will fight and Ulster will be rightâ tradition, and that was a different Ulster from the one that I was in, which was basically SDLP before the SDLP were invented â a nationalist, apolitical background, but with a kind of northern nationalism, Iâd probably have said, rather than Ulster identity.
Mark Carruthers:
Did you feel that even pre-Troubles? Obviously as you grew older the word Ulster came to be used in a very political sense, but even as a younger man did it still have that connotation for you?
When I was in my teens there was a strong sense of the divide in our community, but there was also in my own case and in my familyâs case, and in the milieu I was in around home in County Derry, a very easy and well maintained relationship and friendships between, as they say, both sides of the house â farmers and so on. There was a lot of standoff from Stormont to put it mildly, but at a micro-local level everything was fine and continued to be so, despite a lot of things, with our own neighbour friends around there.
And was that very important for you â that sense of good neighbourliness in rural Ulster in the â50s and early â60s?
Well that was the life I knew there and I wrote about it. I wasnât at the time, I suppose, thinking about Ulster identity. In fact even though I declared my passport was green on one famous occasion, I had a British passport for the first while in my life and that is typical of the bind and the contradictions. I was going to Lourdes on a pilgrimage and I was getting a British passport â not that that should matter. I remember Ben Kiely saying that if you were living in the Republic of Ireland you didnât need a passport to go to Lourdes because it was part of the jurisdiction!
I was intrigued when I read that you had a British passport before you had an Irish passport. Do you think the notion of your northern-ness was awakened when you left the North?
I donât think so, no.
It was already there.
Yes. I remember in particular in the Irish class that we had in Derry at school in St Columbâs picking out the Northern writers â Peadar Ă DoirnĂn, Cathal BuĂ Mac Giolla Gunna, Art Mac Cumhaigh â and hearing a different note, I thought, in them. Maybe it was only because I knew the actual Irish language better, but the sense of a Northern Irish identity was certainly there, as was the sense then of being a subject within a different North, one with a very different ethos. If I say subject, I am overstating it, Iâm just using a technical term.
So if you were aware then as a young boy of your Irishness and your identity through your family, through your church, through your âŚ
Gaelic football.
Through football â were you also aware that there was another identity, another community, living cheek by jowl who were different, but also there and part of the bigger community?
Oh yeah. Well there were of course the arches around the Twelfth which reminded you, around Castledawson, that there was a different community with different flags and emblems, as they say. All that was there, of course â but I should say that my family were kind of dormant in political terms. My mother was more alive to the overall political situation than my father. My father was brought up really by uncles â his mother and father died when they were quite young â and these were old bachelor guys and I think they lived in the world of the late 19th century. And he went backwards and forwards to England with cattle and so on, so I think he was indifferent to politics, but he was at ease. It wasnât an interest of his and so, for example, 1916 which was taken to mean so much, had very little purchase for me. I knew about it as a famous date, but to go back to Northern things, 1798 [the year of the United Irishmenâs failed rebellion against British rule in Ireland] had much more sense of legend, drama, in placeness about it. l know that too much is probably made of that golden moment, but the memory of it was in the air as an imagining of a shared Ulster identity.
And that was a time when Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter were together on that issue and when Ulstermen were very much at the forefront.
Thatâs right, and David Hammond used to sing the Henry Joy song â âAn Ulsterman Iâm proud to be âŚâ â so all that was there. The idea of an enlightenment Belfast was with me early on. And also in the folk life that I was part of, things like âThe man from God knows where âŚâ, that recitation about Thomas Russell coming up North, things like that were imbibed and imbued. And there were nights at home when elders gathered around Easter time, when there would be a party with songs and recitations and music â not party tunes, just tunes for a party.
Did the onset of the Troubles in the late â60s change your view of what you needed to be doing as a poet? Did your poetry knowingly shift from the rural, observational poetry to a more political commentary?
On the whole I didnât know how to handle the response, how to maintain a fidelity, if you like, to my own mythos â and at the same time to envisage a society where ethnic groups, religious groups, political groups would find a way of living a civic life. Actually, in 1972, which was four years after the Troubles started, a book came out called Wintering Out, and there is a poem there which looks back to the 1780s and â90s and it says âtake a last turn in reasonable lightâ. So the Troubles politicised me to the extent that when on the Wednesday after the turmoil started on the 5th of October 1968 with the baton charge in Derry, there was a big march of students at Queenâs University where I was a young lecturer, I joined the march â which was a very unusual thing for me to do. We marched down towards Linenhall Street and the RUC had a barrier of themselves across the street and the Reverend Ian [Paisley] was in Donegall Square with supporters. So the police were kind of blocking or separating the two sides, I suppose, and I remember a couple of people wanting to run the barriers or crash the barriers â Bernadette [Devlin] and, I think, Michael Farrell and a couple of other people â but this young lecturer went up and said, âCalm downâ. I was being as mollifying as I could be. Eventually then they turned back and went to the Studentsâ Union and that was the night that Peopleâs Democracy was formed. The next Saturday I went to Derry and there was a meeting there in the Guildhall Square and I wrote something for the BBCâs âThe Listenerâ called Derryâs Walls and that was the start of engagement, but actually I didnât go marching much after that.
So you were there mollifying, observing, trying to keep a lid on things â but that subsequently was perhaps misconstrued, was it? Iâm thinking about some of what you wrote â The Ministry of Fear, Act of Union, Requiem for the Croppies. Do people look at those poems in isolation and conclude, wrongly, heâs a nationalist poet â heâs a republican?
There is no doubt you canât do anything with Requiem for the Croppies which was written in 1966, fifty years after 1916 â and again it was out of my dream life. It was pre-Troubles entirely and I didnât read it during the Troubles â but it was part of the â98 dream life. Actually I remember in 1968 when David Hammond, Michael Longley and myself did the tour called âRoom to Rhymeâ, I read that poem in different milieus. There would have been a very Official Unionist audience in Armagh Library, for example, and I felt I was opening a space for this kind of identity within their Ulster, as it were, and that was certainly the thinking in choosing to read it then. That was the point.
Do you remember how it was received?
It was received perfectly all right. Now these were people â it was a self-selecting audience â people coming for the poetry and song and so on, so they would be fairly cultivated and fairly well mannered.
But there were those who were critical of some of what you wrote. Did that sadden you? Did it annoy you?
I wasnât that aware of it. Artistically maybe âThe Singing Schoolâ â which is the Derry, St Columbâs stuff â is maybe that kind of partisan utterance all right, but itâs based on experience. Conor Cruise OâBrien rebuked it, of course. But then there is one about the visit of the RUC man, you see, which I think is ok whichever side of the house you come from. Itâs called âA Constable Callsâ. There is one coarseness about âthe boot of the lawâ â but apart from that âŚ
Itâs about filling out an agricultural form and it was the local constable who did that.
It was and he was well enough known. He was Constable Crawford from Castledawson Barracks.
But that wasnât the strong arm of the law. That was what we now call neighbourhood policing?
Exactly, yeah â but at the same time a slight frisson would occur. I remember his shiny baton case and the stitches on it. He had a revolver and so on. Just as with a doctor coming to the house, or a priest, in those days it was an occasion.
And do you remember feeling part of what is referred to as the minority community, which was separate from law and order and separate from policing? Because, of course, there werenât many Catholics in the RUC at the time.
Oh definitely you felt separate from that, definitely.
Did you feel vulnerable?
No I didnât feel vulnerable. I think we, the family anyway, didnât feel that. There was no, if you like, republican background in either my motherâs family or my fatherâs.
Do you think the fact that it was the âRoyal Ulster Constabularyâ helped to distance you from that notion of Ulster?
I donât know. It wasnât particularly the Ulster that was the unease; it was the sense of the partisanship of the force. That was the thing that was most decisive in the standoff.
Did you feel as a poet that you had to speak up for the minority community â to ask those questions that donât get asked in newspapers or in current affairs programmes? Is that the challenge you and your contemporaries within the world of poetry set yourselves?
We werenât as clear as that about it, I donât think. I wasnât as clear anyway, but there is one poem which was meant to say something about how things were and how things could be, called âThe Other Sideâ. It was based upon a man called Junkin who was an elder â probably an elder of the Presbyterian Church too â but he was, like all our surrounding neighbours, the Steeles and the McIntyres, the Junkins, actual...