1
The Migrant as a Symbolic Figure
The two principal approaches in contemporary scholarship on audiovisual representations of migration have been phenomenological approaches and autonomy-of-migration (AoM) approaches. While some of the films discussed in the present study underscore the autonomy and agency of the migrant, while others dramatize the frequently intangible ways in which migrant bodies are âgovernedâ and âblocked,â both approaches share an awareness of the iconic nature of migration, acknowledging the central role cinema and television have played in shaping the public perception of migrants.
Phenomenological studies of migration highlight the various institutional practices and administrative mechanisms that continue to govern and regulate migrants and refugees beyond the physical border of the camp by drawing attention to the ways in which migrant bodies are âcontainedâ or âblockedâ not only in space but also psychologically and emotionally. In contrast to AoMâs emancipatory notion of âmobile subjectsâ, phenomenological approaches view migrants as âgoverned subjectsâ inasmuch as the government of freedom of movement does not only operate through sheer blockageâincarceration, detention, or encampmentâbut works, as well, âthrough mechanisms of spatial and temporal suspension of peopleâs lives beyond the regime of visibility sanctioned by such institutional technologiesâ lifespans.â1 Underscoring the subjective and existential dimension of migration, which remains largely unexplored, Fiorenza Picozza employs the term âdecelerated circulationâ to describe the temporal and spatial regulation of migration through various practices of detention (including waiting, hiding, unexpected diversion) that profoundly affect migrantsâ experience of time and of their own bodies.2 With their trajectories of movement continually disrupted and fragmented migrants experience their own self as a âself-in-transit,â always imagining their life elsewhere and elsewhen. Borrowing a term from R. D. Laing, Picozza describes the migrantsâ sense of being doubly absent (physically from their home country and mentally and emotionally from the country they currently find themselves in), and of their lives as being forever postponed as âa schizoid experience of unembodiment.â3
Ipek Celik approaches the link between temporality and migration from a slightly different perspective. Instead of studying migration as a specific temporal experience constituted by absence, transitoriness, and unbelonging, and in contrast to earlier work on the spatial cartography of Otherness in European cinema and media, she analyzes the temporality assigned to migrants by the media, a temporality âof violent events followed by periods of incurable social crisis pregnant with the threat of impending rupture.â4 Citing numerous examples of media depictions of migrants and refugees in relation to emergency situations, Celik seeks to understand âhow and why violence and temporality of crisis have become central to the articulation of ethnic and racial difference in todayâs Europe.â5 More often than not, she claims, migrants are denied what Johannes Fabian, in Time and the Other (1983), calls âcoevalnessâ by being represented either through ââuntimelyâ acts such as âhonorâ crimes that seem to emerge from a distant temporality, instead of being placed within the more general framework of domestic violence,â6 or by being assigned a catastrophic temporality of crisis.
Dismissing traditional, realist forms of representation as no longer capable of accounting for todayâs âtraveling culturesâ (Clifford) and âglobal ethnoscapesâ (Appadurai), visual anthropologist Steffen Kohn also calls for a phenomenological approach to the study of migration. According to Kohn, the increased mobility and interconnectedness of people, things, and places poses an epistemological problem for anthropology, which has traditionally been based on an obsolete âsedentarist metaphysicsâ that has allowed the anthropologist to âsegregate himself and his world from the static, fixed and timeless world of the (primitive) cultural world he studied.â7 Not only would a phenomenological approach reveal âhow global relations are necessarily inscribed in local lifeworldsâ8 and analyze migration as a temporal experience (through Husserlâs theory of time-consciousness), but a more sensuous approach to ethnography would benefit the social analysis of power relations. Cinema offers an invaluable opportunity for the study of migration thanks to its phenomenological qualities âwhich inherit an important ethical potential9 as they bring us into an empathetic position toward the other and make abstract political processes become understandable in their effects on individuals and their lifeworld.â10 Drawing on Sobchackâs phenomenological theory of film, Kohn argues that certain cinematic techniques, specifically montage, are better suited to convey the complex spatial and temporal aspect of migration (e.g., by disorienting viewers so they can feel the sense of dislocation and deterritorialization experienced by migrants) thus helping us rethink contemporary culture from the perspective of mobility, movement, and interconnectedness rather than singularity, situatednness, belonging, and home. Insofar as transnational subjects like migrants, refugees, and travellers âexperience global processes foremost in the form of absences,â11 cinema, which also works through absences, gaps, and ellipses, can transcend âthe limitations of the micro perspective of situated observers and their subject-centered vision.â12
At the opposite end of the spectrum from phenomenological approaches are AoM approaches to migration. Emerging in reaction to the traditional view of migration as a mere response to socioeconomic factors and to the discourse of human rights with its patronizing conception of migrants as passive victims of globalization, AoM approaches (Nicholas de Genova, Catherine Wihtol de Wenden, Thomas Nail, Souad Osseiran, Stephan Scheel, Ranabir Samaddar) seek to restore agency to migrants by rethinking migration as a dynamic and autonomous way of reimagining/re-bordering Europe. Osseiranâs study of the ways in which Syrian refugees in Istanbul imagine migration into and within Europe is exemplary here. According to Osseiran, âSyrian refugees/migrants configure Europe and the EU not in terms of core and periphery, or centers and margins, but rather in more fragmentary ways that draw attention to some spaces and overlook others.â13 As they plan their migration route into and within Europe migrants bypass certain countries, where they do not want to, or cannot, stay permanently, viewing them merely as transit zones on the way to other countries. By âre-borderingâ Europe via their discrepant and unpredictable movements migrants are âproducing their own imagined âEurope,ââ which, Osseiran insists, should be seen as a political act by political subjects or âmobile actorsâ with specific âmobility projects.â14 In a similar vein, examining the ways in which aspiring migrants âappropriate mobility to Europe via Schengen visas in the context of biometric border controls,â15 Stephan Scheel believes that the term âappropriationâ âis better equipped than the inherently reactive concept of âresistanceâ to account for the constitutive role that practices of subversion and dissent by the governed play in the transformation of regimes of government.â16 Adding to the critique of the dominant tendency to see refugees as mere objects of Western pity, Nicholas de Genova reminds us that ârefugees never cease to also have aspirations and . . . they remain subjects who make more or less calculated strategic and tactical choices about how to reconfigure their lives and advance their life projects.â17 He urges us to see the migrant crisis as something positively exciting, âa remarkable site of unprecedented experimentation and improvisation, a transnational and intercontinental laboratory for the regimentation and subordination of human powers and freedoms in relation to the space of the planet.â18
Along similar lines, and distancing herself from studies that associate migration primarily with suffering, injustice, and death, Catherine Wihtol de Wenden credits migration with putting the individual back on the scene as an âagentâ that influences international relations and defies the power of the State by appealing to supranational and non-state powers, especially through the appeal to human rights. This time, however, the individual dominating international relations is neither the individual embodying the State (the monarch), nor the individual representing the state (the national hero), but rather the ordinary person whose strength lies not in his power but in his number.19 Rejecting the pessimistic conclusions critics like Fukuyama and Bauman draw from neoliberalismâs commodification of citizenship and its celebration of individual over communal interests, de Wenden celebrates the migrant as anticipating a utopian world, in which the nation state will no longer be the principal actor, and which will be governed by new values, for example, the value of âvivre-ensemble.â20 It is thanks to the migrant, she believes, that a new human rightâthe right to migrateâhas begun to constitute itself, finally correcting the asymmetry between the right to leave a country, including oneâs own (guaranteed by the 1948 Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man) and the right to enter another country, not yet established as a right (a situation that is the inverse of that in the nineteenth century, when it was difficult to leave oneâs country but relatively easy to enter another country).
In de Wendenâs analysis, the seemingly most powerlessârefugees and minoritiesâemerge, paradoxically, as the most powerful in opposing the state by appealing to transnational non-state actors (e.g., human rights treaties and organizations). Rather than enumerate the seemingly infinite number of obstacles to mobility migrants/refugees face every day, de Wenden prefers to view such obstacles as motivating migrants to develop new, creative strategies of adaptation and multiple overlapping identities: for example, the same migrants can, in the course of their life, occupy a plurality of statuses, from sans-papiers, student, tourist, salaried work er, asylum seeker, family reunification applicant to qualified elite, a plurality of identities unthinkable in the past when the Soviet dissident was the main model of the ârefugee.â The emphasis on the plurality of identities represented by the figure of the migrant is indicative of a tendency in recent scholarship to valorize, rather than bemoan, the migrantâs precarious (transitory, multiple and uncertain) status: here we might refer to Giorgia Ceriani-Sebregondiâs notion of âcapital mobilitaire,â21 which construes mobility as âa strategy of adaptationâ; Mehdi Aliouaâs description of the transit migration of Subsaharrians in Morocco as an âadventureâ through which migrants fashion themselves into ââentrepreneursâ âworking on their mobility projects;ââ22 Marie-Therese Tetuâs romantic description, in Clandestins au pays des papiers (2009), of the everyday life of sans-papiers as a modern âodysseyâ; or even Laurent Berlantâs âcruel optimism,â which she also defines as âa strategy of adaptation,â though she does acknowledge that âstrategyâ to be ultimately self-destructive.
Heavily indebted to Paul Pattonâs and Stephen Mueckeâs adaptation of Deleuze and Guattariâs theories of nomadologyâthe idea of nomadic groups using ânomadic strategiesâ (mobility) in their political struggles23 âThomas Nailâs The Figure of the Migrant (2015) uses the migrant to rethink political philosophy along the lines of what he calls âkinopolitics,â profiting from the double connotation of âkinoâ (referring both to movement/migration and cinema). There are unmistakable similarities between Nailâs conceptualization of âkinopoliticsâ as an analysis of âsocial flowsâ and Appaduraiâs rethinking of Andersonâs (static and nation-based) âimagined communitiesâ in terms of five types of âscapes,â though Appaduraiâs concepts are derived from botany while Nail draws upon the fluid sciences (aerodynamics and hydrodynamics) and statistics. Nailâs central argument is that insofar as âflowsâ (of which migration is one instance) cannot be blocked or controlled but only slowed down or redirected, the migrant is always on the move; even when he is deported or deprived of social status his absence still shapes the society from which he has been expulsed. In short, the migrant is never a passive victim but an active force to describe which Nail coins a new termââkinopowerââthat invests movement with agency in opposition to the prevalent tendency to associate movement with powerlessness. Drawing on Bergsonâs philosophy and on various strands of poststructuralism to reclaim the value of movement over stasis and recuperate displacement from a lack to âa positive capacity or trajectory,â24 Nail rewrites history from the point of view of what used to be seen as marginalized figuresânomads, barbarians, vagabonds, the proletariat, and migrantsâwho, far from being passive victims of social expulsion, are celebrated as the primary driving force of social and political history.
Nailâs reframing of migration in terms of autonomy is typical of AoM approaches, which, in seeking to correct the (pre)conception of migrants as victims, tend to swing to the opposite extreme of over-valorizing and/or misrepresenting what is often involuntary, even forced, movement as âvoluntaryâ and âfree.â But does changing the vocabulary we use to talk about migrationâreplacing âmigrationâ with âmobility projectâ or âaspirations,â or âmigrant/refugeeâ with âmobile actorââendow migrants/refugees with real agency? The rhetoric of âexcessâ frequently employed by AoM approaches to underscore migrationâs supposed autonomy and unpredictabilityââescape, creativity, stubbornness, potentiality, uncontrollability, supplement, independence, surplusâ25 âruns the risk of idealizing and romanticizing migration, as evidenced by the return of an old sociological figureâthe flân...