Ausonius of Bordeaux

Genesis of a Gallic Aristocracy

Hagith Sivan

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2003
• Print ISBN:
  9780415086141
• eBook ISBN:
  9781134884483
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Ancient History
• Index: History

In the burgeoning field of late classical antiquity the authors of late Roman Gaul have served as a mine of information regarding the historical, cultural, political, social and religious developments of the western empire, and of Gaul in particular. Ausonius is outstanding among these authors for the extraordinary range of material which his writings illuminate. His family exemplifies the rise of provincial upper-classes in Aquitania through talent, ambition and opportunism. Fusing historical method with archaeological, artistic and literary evidence, Hagith Sivan interprets the political message of Ausonius' work and conveys the material reality of his lifestyle.

1: INTRODUCTION

To explore the genesis of an aristocracy through the career of a single individual is similar to taking a short stroll down a very long lane. The limits imposed by the lifetime of Ausonius must be acknowledged at the outset. Indeed, it would be impossible to probe the nature of fourth-century Gaul, its political system and literary culture, through a study of one man’s experiences. The eyes of Ausonius, and those of the author, are firmly focused on the well-defined orbit of Bordeaux, Aquitania and Trier, and on the rise of the Gallic municipal aristocracy to the rank of provincial nobility.

Readers who derive comfort from labels and familiar terminology will find it difficult to fit this book into any specific category. It is neither a biography of Ausonius nor a close study of his literary works. There is already a plethora of the latter, and my own interests go beyond the strictly biographical outlook.¹ Instead, I have combined various aspects of historical, archaeological, arthistorical, religious and literary approaches. The result is a presentation from the widest possible perspective of an individual who rose to the top of the late Roman imperial administration and the political ladder in record time. I have included in this presentation an outline of the particular topographical, economic, social and cultural milieu which produced such a phenomenal career and eventually gave rise to a new Gallic aristocracy. This account does not claim to be definitive. All over France and elsewhere within the old Roman limes the work of classical archaeologists continues to shed new light on old assumptions. Given the present state of our knowledge, the most that can be offered is a comprehensive introduction to Ausonius and his world.²

The man whose career and compositions serve as the subject of the present inquiry was born at the beginning of the fourth century (c. 310) and died during its last decade.³ His place of birth was Bordeaux, a city which always held a special place in his affections. His father was a medical man and his mother he describes as belonging to a noble family. A political biography of Ausonius would trace the ascent of his family from obscure beginnings to the most eminent civil offices in the empire. Such a biography would draw attention to the fact that young and talented members of Ausonius’ family chose the liberal professions as useful vehicles of social and economic mobility.

After thirty years of teaching at Bordeaux, first as a grammarian and then as a rhetor, Ausonius moved to the Gallic capital of Trier to join the newly established court of Valentinian I as a tutor to his young son, Gratian. A few months before the death of Valentinian, the ambitious poet from Bordeaux was appointed to his first imperial office (quaestor in charge of formulating imperial legislation). A few months after the emperor’s death, Ausonius, his family and his friends started to occupy the most important civilian posts in the bureaucratic hierarchy. Between 376 and 380, under the regime of Gratian, the gens ausoniana appeared as the most influential clan in the western empire, and ambitious Gauls, some clearly under the auspices of Ausonius, appeared on the political stage.⁴ By 381 the imperial court had moved to Italy and the Ausonii retired to their Aquitanian estates to pursue rural leisure. By 383 the Gallic euphoria which had resulted from Gaul’s exploitation of the ascendancy of Ausonius at the Treveran court was over.

AIM AND PLAN

Through the extremely well-documented career of Ausonius, this book aims to explore the evolution of the Gallic aristocracy in the fourth century. Underlying this exploration is an attempt to trace Gallic thinking vis-à-vis the emperor and the empire, and vice versa.

Any study that sets out to investigate a process of aristocratic naissance or renaissance needs first to define the term ‘aristocratic’. A discussion of the meaning of aristocracy opens Chapter 2. What were the criteria for becoming an aristocrat and how did one establish a credible claim to nobility? Inevitably, every definition is to some extent arbitrary. Serious gaps in the data for late thirdand early fourth-century Gaul have compounded the difficulty of supplying an accurate definition.

A basic working axiom of historians of late Roman Gaul has been that the series of usurpations between 260 and 274, known as the Gallic empire, represented a ‘come-back’ by the Gauls to the stage of imperial politics.⁵ This reappearance after centuries of absence from high office, it has been argued, was further invigorated by the presence of the legitimate imperial court in Gaul from the end of the third century and throughout the fourth century.⁶ In this light, Ausonius was simply the most successful in a long line of aspiring Gallic politicians. Yet another view of the same process points to a significant gap in the wake of the fall of the Gallic empire, a gap which saw the slow and gradual emergence of a new aristocracy in Gaul. By the time Ausonius appeared on the political scene, in the second half of the fourth century, the formation of this new aristocracy was far from complete.⁷

To assess the significance of Ausonius’ career to the rise of the Gallic aristocracy it is essential to consider the relationship between the imperial court and the Gauls. Interaction between Roman emperors and their Gallic subjects in the period between the fall of the Gallic empire and the ascendancy of Gauls within the imperial administration is reviewed in the second chapter. In particular, Gallic office-holdings are highlighted in order to gauge any discernible pattern.

Wealth, birth and education have traditionally been considered the hallmarks of good aristocratic breeding. The sources of wealth in fourth-century Gaul seem to be due to the survival or rapid recovery of urban centres. Neither the literary sources nor archaeological excavations, however, enable us to reconstruct a complete picture of late Gallic urbanism. It seems clear, though, that fortunes varied: some cities experiencing decline whilst others enjoyed prosperity. Bordeaux belonged to the latter category and its hitherto unsuspected wealth would have provided the necessary resources for the growth of a municipal élite.

At the end of his Ordo, Ausonius proudly claims that he is a civis in both Rome and Bordeaux. Rome he venerates; Bordeaux he loves (diligo Burdigalam, Romam colo, 20.40). His biography reveals strong attachment to his urban roots, but his description is insufficient to recreate a full picture of fourth-century Bordeaux. Recent excavations in the city and its vicinity have necessitated a reevaluation of the nature of urban life in late Roman Bordeaux. On the basis of these excavations a new image of the city as a prosperous economic centre, with significant art and craft industries, has emerged to enrich the Ausonian descriptions. The excavations, many of which have not been published, are surveyed in the third chapter.

Reconstructing the human aspect of late Roman Bordeaux depends very much on Ausonius’ writings. His Parentalia and Professores, character sketches of relatives and friends, provide a unique insight into the population of late Roman Bordeaux. They also point to considerable fluctuations in social and economic status and to the intermittent acquisition of aristocratic requisites.

Few families in late antiquity, and none in Gaul, serve as a better focus for a discussion of the rise of provincial clans than the gens ausoniana.⁸ Indeed, the family of Ausonius is an excellent example of social mobility in the Roman empire.⁹ But to understand the precise meaning of such mobility a detailed analysis of the careers of individual members of the family is necessary. In the fourth chapter I explore, generation by generation, the origins and development of the Ausonian clan, from its first recorded ancestors in the late third century to the mid-360s. The emphasis is on the means that enabled a provincial family like the Ausonii-Arborii to combine their resources of talent, wealth and status to produce the first known administrative dynasty in fourth-century Gaul. It is also possible now, on the basis of recent archaeological surveys of Aquitanian villae and their monumental decoration, to paint a picture of the surroundings of Gallic magnates in the countryside at leisure.

Bureaucracy and education in late antiquity have often been coupled, and not without reason. The imperial services, with their hierarchical officia (bureaux), had to rely for their smooth running on persons with a certain degree of literacy. Whether or not the type of education then supplied by provincial schools or universities (another name for schools) prepared graduates to become efficient administrators is another matter. But the fact remains that those with a pedagogical background often obtained key positions. The purpose of the fifth chapter, therefore, is to analyse the careers of members of the Bordelais schools in order to distinguish patterns of advancement and relations with the imperial hierarchy. The findings show the extent to which education was an instrument of social, economic and political mobility in late antique Gaul.¹⁰

In the second part of the book the focus shifts to Trier and to the courts of Valentinian I and Gratian. The political ascent of Ausonius at court is examined against the background of factionalism and the manipulation of power conferred through office. The sixth chapter reflects on the significance of the leap from Bordeaux to Trier for a man like Ausonius, and reveals the extent to which a Gallic court, dominated by a Pannonian emperor and his transplanted subjects, was receptive to ambitious locals. Who were the Gauls in positions of power at the Treveran court when Ausonius arrived in Trier and how did one’s presence at court itself determine future career patterns and possibilities?

A change of regime, even within one dynasty, is a time of profound transformation. The death of Valentinian I and the accession of his sons was accompanied by a power struggle from which Ausonius and his allies emerged victorious. How this victory was achieved and in what ways the gens ausoniana proceeded to accumulate offices and influence are among the issues addressed in the seventh chapter. The nature of Ausonius’ domination, and its meaning for the history of the Gallic aristocracy, together form the focal point of this inquiry. The lot of a politician whose imperial patron suffered a violent death was variable, to judge by fourthcentury examples.¹¹ Ausonius was one of the lucky ones and was allowed to retire peacefully to Bordeaux and his Aquitanian estates.

A central issue occupies the conclusion to this book: what was the specific contribution of Ausonius’ ascendancy to the development of the Gallic aristocracy in the fourth century? The exploration of this question allows us to appreciate the consolidation of the Gallic nobility into a class that aspired to produce, less than a century after Ausonius, an imperial ruler, Avitus, and a notorious collaborator with the barbarians, Arvandus, both, however, falling outside the present discussion.

A thorny problem which plagues all editors of Ausonius is that of textual authenticity. None of the four major editions published between 1883 and 1978 has been greeted with universal consensus.¹² The year 1991 witnessed the appearance of a fifth by R.P.H. Green. One irritating result is the various numbers which each editor attaches to a work of Ausonius. My Appendix does not pretend to solve any of the textual issues relating to the Ausonian corpus. I feel, however, that any work on Ausonius ought at least to inform the unwary reader of the problems involved. Hence, in the Appendix, I provide a list of textual references to revisions and ancient editions and suggest revised datings for some of the works. The Appendix is followed by a Concordance.

2: THE EMERGENCE OF A LATE ROMAN GALLIC ARISTOCRACY

THE MEANING OF ARISTOCRACY

A discussion concerning Ausonius’ career and its place within the emergence and formation of a provincial aristocracy needs, in the first place, to define aristocracy. One well-known study of the late Roman aristocracy has presented a broad canvass of aristocratic activities as important components of class definition.¹ It shows that the ways in which a nobleman beguiled his leisure (otium) were just as significant as his time spent in office. Each occupation and pursuit was intrinsic to the accumulation of unparalleled power, wealth and authority. Through correspondence, dinner parties, arranged matches and journeys, a busy and power-minded nobleman could build up an impressive network of friends, contacts, clients and relatives. The cream of the aristocracy (according to another modern study) based their claim to exclusive nobility on the acquisition of the two top offices in the administration—the praetorian prefecture and the consulship.²

Some offices certainly bestowed greater prestige than others, and the growing association between rank and office is evident. In an age in which the consulship was often reserved for the emperors, their relatives or their generals, it was quite difficult for civilians, even the blue-blooded, to become consul. The office was the emperor’s to bestow and a much coveted honour.³ Besides unparalleled prestige, however, the consulship could confer only limited real power. By contrast, the praetorian prefecture imparted widescale influence which a man like Sextus Petronius Probus could fully exploit.⁴ Born to the noble clan of the Petronii and marrying into the even nobler family of the Anicii, Probus became praetorian prefect several times and in consecutive years.⁵ His position afforded him valuable opportunities for creating and enlarging ties with clientele. It also enabled him to place protégés in key appointments and to further his own wealth, power and authority.

Probus, to be sure, is merely the most spectacular example of the intricacy that hides behind the term aristocracy. The advantages of birth and inherited wealth and status were, in his case, exploited to the full through the further assumption of the authority inherent in a public office. Each factor contributed to enhance the other as public spheres of influence became the natural extension of private domains of aristocratic activities.⁶ His family further exemplifies the hereditary patterns of eminence and power in their conscientious effort to preserve aristocratic prerogatives within the nexus of relatives and dependants.⁷

For individuals with less pedigree and resources, admission to senatorial ranks could be acquired either at birth, by a son of a senator, or by obtaining a special certificate from the emperor (codicilli). Yet neither method entailed access to the senate at Rome. Enrolment in the Roman senate itself involved a financial transaction, namely the payment of dues by the candidate.⁸ No legal distinction seems to have applied to the terms senator and clarissimus, which the laws used indiscriminately to mark senatorial rank. The two other senatorial denominations, spectabilis and illustris, came to signify internal divisions within the rank.

Throughout the fourth century a growing number of provincials obtained senatorial rank, either through the exercise of office or through an honorary appointment (the latter often depending on their financial means). Earlier residency requirements (in Italy) were abolished and those enjoying senatorial status were allowed to remain in their original abodes. As a result, a new social and territorial equilibrium was gradually formed between classes, provinces and imperial centres. Social mobility, involving change of residence, profession and class, has been signalled as a remarkable feature of life in the later Roman empire.⁹ The bleak picture derived from imperial legislation, particularly from laws pertaining to municipal aristocracies (curiales) in the provinces, can be qualified by examples of upward mobility. After all, downwardly mobile people do not get encomia and remain, for the most part, anonymous.

The complexity of issues involving aristocratic status, activities, influence, power and authority may appear to preclude precise definitions of the term aristocracy. Ancient sources seem to reflect the vagueness of modern analyses. Symmachus’ famous description of the Roman senate as the pars melior generis humani (the better part of mankind) is complimentary but vague.¹⁰ The phrase was used in a private correspondence to a fellow aristocrat and has therefore only limited value as a reflection of public opinion. Late Roman laws, sedulous in their definition of class privileges and obligations, distinguish degrees of senatorial rank, but do not explain the criteria for becoming clarissimus, spectabilis or illustris.¹¹ The lack of information provided by the sources is hardly surprising, since from the third to the fifth centuries class boundaries were flexible and criteria for membership of a given order constantly had to be redefined.¹²

Ammianus Marcellinus offers a brilliantly satirical sketch of the Roman senatorial aristocracy of the fourth century.¹³ Snobbery, emphasis on external appearances, minute attention to respects due to him, highly developed self-consciousness of his status, overdecorated houses which blind the viewer with their wealth, sumptuous banquets in which every imaginable delicacy graces the table, and an undue display of his real power over dependants, are a few of...

Table of contents

• COVER PAGE
• TITLE PAGE
• COPYRIGHT PAGE
• MAPS
• GENEALOGICAL TABLES
• PREFACE
• ABBREVIATIONS
• 1: INTRODUCTION
• 2: THE EMERGENCE OF A LATE ROMAN GALLIC ARISTOCRACY
• PART I: BORDEAUX: MUNICIPAL ARISTOCRACY AND URBAN ECONOMICS
• PART II: TRIER: SEAT OF AN EMPIRE
• APPENDIX: REVISIONS, EDITIONS AND THE DATING OF AUSONIUS’ WORKS
• NOTES
• BIBLIOGRAPHY