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The Authenticating Collaborators of White Jazz Autobiography
In the final pages of Mezz Mezzrowâs Really the Blues (published in 1946),1 Mezzrow describes meeting Bernard Wolfe one night at a Greenwich Village jam session, when âthis young white fellow who tells me he donât know much about music, heâs a writer, but he likes my records fineâ approaches him about the idea of doing a magazine piece (Mezzrow 333). Soon, Wolfe begins spending time with âMezzâ in Harlem, convinced that his story requires more than just an article to do it justice:
âListen Mezz,â he says, and I know thereâs a hype coming. âYou know youâve got a pretty interesting story to tellânobody could do justice to it in one lousy article, and besides, if we told the truth, no magazine in the country would dare to print it, theyâd be so scared of corrupting the morals of the young. It needs a book, a hell of a long book, and youâve got to write it. Itâs more important than you think.â (334)
A similar scene is depicted in the first chapter of Eddie Condonâs autobiography, We Called It Music: A Generation of Jazz (published in 1947), as Condon describes the role of his friend, the journalist John McNulty, in convincing him to write his autobiography.2 Although Thomas Sugrue received credit as Condonâs official collaborator, according to Condon it was McNulty who first coaxed from him the random memories and associations by which he would begin to capture a version of his life on paper. Initially, though, Condon was reluctant, asking McNulty, âHow am I going to do it and what am I going to write about?â (Condon with Sugrue 4). McNulty asked him to produce a typewriter, into which he inserted a piece of paper before turning to Condon:
âWhere and when were you born?â he said to me. I told him. On the sheet he typed: Goodland, Indiana, November 16, 1905. He spaced and wrote another line: Present address, Washington Square North, New York City. âNow all youâve got to do,â he said, âis put down on paper what happened between those two lines. Try it. What do you remember?â (4)
It is hardly surprising to discover, as in the examples cited above, that a majority of jazz autobiographers have collaborated with a professional writer or amanuensis in the process of writing their autobiographies; most of them, after all, had little prior experience as writers.3 For this reason, most white jazz autobiographies credit at least one other author, or collaborator, in addition to the autobiographical subject.4 It is rare, however, to find the collaborative process explained and even dramatized as it is in the passages above; more typically, collaborators make their presence known in paratextual additionsâthat is, in introductory or concluding materials or through insertions in the body of the text itself.5
In a study that is centrally concerned with notions of authentication and identity, this chapter will consider the contributions of these additional voices to this process of authentication. How and for what purpose do these other authorsâthe collaborator, amanuensis, or explainerâattempt to legitimate the autobiographical subject, to convince the reader of his worthiness as a jazz musician, and also as a figure of historical, cultural, and sometimes even literary, significance? While undoubtedly one of the primary roles of all collaborators of autobiography is to vouch for the significance of the individual whose life is being represented, white jazz autobiographers presented a unique set of challenges for their collaborators, who responded to these challenges by employing particular authenticating strategies. As they did so, they established ideological positions that resembled (with variations) those drawn by the contestants of the jazz wars of the 1930s to the 1960s, those fiery debates that divided the jazz community into various ideological camps, pitting proponents of traditional New Orleans style against the bebop modernists, big band swing against small improvising ensembles, and mainstream against the so-called free jazz of the 1960s. Central to all of these ideological expressions was an extraordinary concern with race, in particular with contesting the origins, meanings, and performance of jazz along racial and ethnic lines.
In addition to their own personal enthusiasms, collaborators brought with them a wide range of professional writing credentials that help to illuminate their association with particular jazz autobiographers. Among them, only Irving Kolodin (1908â1988) and Stanley Dance (1910â1999) were prominent music critics: Kolodin was music critic for the New York Sun when he collaborated with Benny Goodman on The Kingdom of Swing (1939); at the time of their collaboration, Kolodinâknown chiefly as a classical music criticâhad fallen under the influence of John Hammond, who was a central influence in Goodmanâs career (Kolodin, âNumber Oneâ 431â40). Dance, who collaborated with white bandleader Charlie Barnet on Those Swinging Years: The Autobiography of Charlie Barnet (1984), was an influential British jazz critic who moved to the United States in 1959 and became a key proponent of the âjazz mainstreamââa term he coined that embraced a range of jazz performance practices, from Armstrongâs small ensembles of the late 1920s to the big bands of the Swing Era, but which vehemently rejected later developments in jazz, such as bebop and the âpost-bop avant gardeâ (Gennari 208). As we will see, Danceâs views on jazz authenticity are critical for understanding his significance as Barnetâs collaborator.
Other collaborations considered in this chapter may be understood as the result of shared regional, as well as musical, connections. Thomas Scanlan and guitarist Steve Jordan, who collaborated on Rhythm Man: Fifty Years in Jazz (1984), became acquainted as longtime residents of the Washington, DC, area; Jordan was an active member of the jazz scene there, Scanlan an avid jazz fan and amateur guitarist. Longtime Chicago radio host and oral historian Studs Terkel wrote the introduction to fellow Chicagoan Bud Freemanâs Crazeology. Former University of Illinois professor Chadwick Hansen collaborated with Chicago pianist Art Hodes on two volumes: Hodesâs autobiography, Hot Man: The Life of Art Hodes (1992), and Selections from the Gutter: Jazz Portraits from âThe Jazz Recordâ (1977). In the latter volume, Hansen explains that his musical connection to Hodes goes back to the 1940s, when Hodes performed at his high school in Bronxville, New York (Hodes and Hansen, Selections xi).6
The other collaborations examined here, however, seem motivated by rather different kinds of attraction between collaborator and autobiographical subject. Thomas Sugrue, who collaborated with Eddie Condon on We Called It Music, was no authority on jazz; rather, it is likely that their mutual interest in their Irish Catholic working-class background and Sugrueâs journalistic bent for conversation and interviewing were the basis for their collaboration.7 Bernard Wolfe, a writer associated with the New York intellectuals, found in Mezz Mezzrow a fascinating subject through which to explore his own deepening interest in race relations in American society; in particular, his curiosity about white Americaâs obsession with blackness as it played out in the figure of the hipster.
While a diverse range of interests and ideological commitments guide the contributions of these various collaborators, for the most part, they seem to share the assumption that white jazz musicians are outsiders to the predominately black jazz communities in which they work and sometimes live and to the elite cultural and intellectual communities of their collaborators. Moreover, even when a collaborator challenges particular aspects of the model of black primacy in jazzâas Tom Scanlan does in his collaboration with Steve Jordanâhe nonetheless shares with these other collaborators a heightened self-consciousness about the racial dynamics within jazz that leaves the white jazz musician on sometimes insecure footing. One of the key functions of these collaborators, then, is to convince the reader that autobiographical subjects who in some crucial sense do not seem to belong in the communities to which they are making claims are nonetheless deserving of recognition (and even authority) in them.
A deep cultural anxiety, in other words, underlies the efforts of collaborators to authenticate their autobiographical subjects, an anxiety that reveals itself primarily through a notable preoccupation with issues of race and ethnicity; in this way, the autobiographical subject as a racialized being becomes a dominant theme within their collaboration. Various permutations of the racialized subject are permitted, even required, by the unique circumstances of each autobiographical subject; this allows collaborators to construct portraits of white jazz musicians that stress the significance of their white or white-ethnic heritage or of their relationship to blackness through their diligent attention to African American musical and cultural forms, or various combinations of the above. Common to all of them, however, is the collaboratorsâ construction of a racial-ethnic consciousness that grants these autobiographical subjects access to particular kinds of knowledge and understanding, all of which contribute to their legitimacy and authenticity as white jazz musicians.
Among these various strategies, collaborators most frequently strive to legitimate their white jazz subjects by emphasizing their diligence in learning and mastering African American musical and cultural practices. By so doing, collaborators both implicitly (and often explicitly) recognize the African American origins of jazz, as well as the primacy of African American jazz musicians as teachers, composers, bandleaders, and performers. In several of these texts, however, the authenticating strategies are considerably more convoluted, as the collaborator attempts to frame the white jazz musician within both African American and Euro-American intellectual and cultural spheres. Underlying all of these strategies are ambivalence and insecurity, as the collaborator works to construct an autobiographical subject who appears to belong in many worlds at once, but who seems totally secure in none; that is, neither in the African American jazz communities nor in the literary and cultural spheres in which he has been positioned by his collaborator. It is worth asking, of course, whose ambivalence is reflected hereâthat of the collaborator or of his autobiographical subject? As much as it is possible to untangle collaborations that yield only glimpses of their actual workings, the discussion that follows will propose some answers to this question.
Earlier, I cited previous studies of jazz autobiography by Kenney, Ogren, and Harlos, all of which direct attention to the literary function and significance of the autobiographerâs collaborator. With few exceptions, the focus of this previous work is on autobiographies by African American jazz musicians, in which issues of authorial control are clearly central to the textâs impact and reception; for this very reason, these studies provide valuable material for comparing the role of collaborators in white jazz autobiography.8 An important theoretical source for these studies is Robert Steptoâs seminal 1979 text, From behind the Veil: A Study of Afro-American Narrative, in which Stepto builds a model for investigating the collaborator/autobiographer relationship in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century slave narratives. Stepto describes âthree phases of narrationâ by which the slave narratives may be grouped (5); the first phase of narration, or âeclectic narrative form,â as he designates it, provides the specific model for these previous studies of jazz autobiography:
In their most elementary form, slave narratives are full of other voices which are frequently just as responsible for articulating a narrativeâs tale and strategyâŚ. Their primary function is, of course, to authenticate the former slaveâs account; in doing so, they are at least partially responsible for the narrativeâs acceptance as historical evidence. (3)
In his analysis of Louis Armstrongâs autobiographies, Kenney applies Steptoâs eclectic narrative form in his analysis of four documents for which Armstrong received credit as author or coauthor in order to investigate the extent of his authorial agency (âNegotiatingâ 40). Kenney examines voices in addition to Armstrongâs in his earliest autobiography, Swing That Music (1936), noting that all of them are white, and that all serve to explain, translate, or vouch for the integrity of the autobiographical subject (40).9 In his view, Swing That Music âoffers a sort of conversation between whites that frames the black jazz starâs narrative, recreating the structural characteristics of the nineteenth-century former slave narratives that were similarly surrounded by the comments of white abolitionistsâ (40). Kenney goes further, suggesting that the narrative structure of Swing That Music replicates âthe power structures that had dominated Armstrongâs relations with the owners and customers of South Side Chicagoâs black and tansâ (44).
Christopher Harlos also invokes Steptoâs narrative model in his analysis of the paratextual material of a number of jazz autobiographies; his intention is to uncover the ways in which the collaborator or other textual voices serve to diminish the authority of the autobiographical subject. It is striking, of course, that both Kenney and Harlos consider the authenticating strategies of the slave narratives an appropriate model for describing the relationship between black jazz autobiographers and their white collaborators, including celebrated jazz musicians such as Louis Armstrong, Dicky Wells, and Pops Foster (Kenney, âNegotiatingâ 40; Harlos, âJazz Autobiographyâ 151â58).
Clearly, the disparity of power and authority that they identify in these relationships finds no analogy in relationships between white jazz autobiographers and their white collaboratorsârelationships often characterized by mutual admiration and sometimes even friendship. In other respects, however, I would argue that there is a clear resemblance between them, a resemblance with an inversion, if you will: for just as African American jazz musicians are authenticated by their white collaborators as subjects worthy of the European literary tradition of autobiography, so too are white jazz auto-biographers authenticated by their collaborators and editors, but in a reverse wayâas possessing the musical skills and cultural familiarity that grant them legitimacy within African American jazz traditions.
This âreverse authenticationâ is also apparent in a related theme in white jazz autobiographies, in which some collaborators invoke an extreme essentialism to authenticate their autobiographical subjects, constructing portraits of them that emphasize their natural or instinctive musicality, reminiscent of the âtwenties vogue of primitivismâ in jazz criticism and literature that was still discernable in later criticism (Ogren, Jazz Revolution 146).10 As these collaborators foreground their white autobiographical subjectsâ gifts for rhythm (see Sugrue on Condon) or their emotional (rather than intellectual) intelligence (see Hansen on Hodes), they replicate the collaborator/autobiographical subject roles of black jazz autobiography, but, once again, with a significant twist, with white-on-white primitivism replacing the white-on-black primitivism of the latter.11
My use of the term âreverse authenticationâ in the following discussion serves two distinct but related functions: first, it emphasizes the primacy of black music and culture in white jazz autobiography; and, second, it describes the pattern by which the collaborators of these texts attempt to demonstrate the âblackness,â and therefore the authenticity, of these white autobiographers within the black jazz worlds described in their accounts. In musical and cultural terms, African Americans are almost without exception the authorities in these autobiographies, possessing the key to authenticity that white jazz musicians try to unlock through study and emulation.
Authenticating Prefaces, Forewords, and Introductions
Earlier, I remarked on the degree to which the ideological positions of the collaborators considered in this chapter reflect those of the central participants in the jazz wars; among them, however, only British jazz critic Stanley Dance was prominent in those wars, with his views about race and jazz central to his mission to promote the careers of African American swing musicians. John Gennari names him as one âof a handful of criticsâ in Europe who âdetermined which jazz records were available to the public and hence made a critic-centered, black-dominated jazz canon a virtual fait accompliâ (Gennari 94â95).
In this context, I would like to consider Danceâs collaboration with Charlie Barnet on Those Swinging Years. Before their collaboration, Dance had compiled an impressive list of publications written with or about African American jazz musicians and had overseen important recording dates featuring them for several different labels.12 In addition, Danceâs lengthy biographical study, The World of Swing, is devoted almost entirely to the achievements of African American musicians, with Barnet receiving only parenthetical mention.
In his obituary of Dance in The Independent, Steve Voce argues that Danceâs belief in the superior musical abilities of African Americans, although never stated directly, was demonstrable in his writings and public comments. According to Voce, Dance used his term âmainstreamâ to distinguish jazz played by African American musicians from âswing,â which he reserved for the music played by white bandleaders such as Benny Goodman and Artie Shaw. Although mainstream and swing were similar in terms of âthe music and its roots,â the racial origins of the players seemed key to the distinction he made between them, and although Dance ânever spoke of the matter or engaged in racial politics, [he] felt that black players made superior music to their white counterpartsâ (Voce). In light of his primary interests, then, his decision to collaborate with Barnet is particularly intriguing.
Dance, in fact, begins his preface with an acknowledgment that this particular collaboration is a step in a different direction for him: âIn previous books I have primarily been concerned with the big band era as viewed by black musicians. In this case the perspective is that of one of the most successful white bandleadersâ (Barnet xv). Why did Barnetâs life and career warrant attention from someone who had invested so deeply in promoting African American jazz musicians? Precisely, according to Dance, because of Barnetâs significant yet overlooked role in swing as an employer of black musicians. Although Benny Goodman received accolades for his decision to integrate his ...