The multiple meanings and uses of darkness across time and space
In Western culture, forms of received wisdom and common sense have typically considered darkness to be laden with negative attributes. From medieval times, as Galinier et al. (2010: 820) contend, darkness has symbolised âpagan obscurantism - deviancy, monstrosity, diabolismâ. It is hardly surprising that in a culture saturated with widespread beliefs that a host of powerful supernatural forces lurked in dark corners, the night held multifarious terrors for most people. The devil carried out his work at night, and sinister hobgoblins, ghouls, ghosts, witches, demons and dark elves could be discerned in shadows and murky shapes. These superstitious beliefs about the dark were fuelled by Christian orthodoxies which drew on biblical passages to underline absolute distinctions between a malign darkness and a godly realm of light. Most obviously, Genesis 1:2â5 describes how all was subsumed in darkness until God created light, a notion poetically rendered in John Miltonâs Paradise Lost: âConfusion heard his voice, and wild uproar Stood ruled, stood vast infinitude confined; Till at his second bidding darkness fled, Light shone, and order from disorder sprungâ (2008: 83). The light is further conceived as that condition inhabited by believers, as Ephesians 5:8 articulates: âyou were once darkness, but now you are light in the Lord. Live as children of light, for light produces every kind of goodness and righteousness and truthâ. Craig Koslofsky (2011) identifies these continuing associations of darkness with witchcraft and devilry, heresy, sin and death throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, with the devout struggling through the temptations and terrors of âthe long night of the soulâ.
These religious conceptions were supplemented and shifted by the ideas expressed in the Enlightenment, which, as the word signifies, foregrounds light. As Bille and Sørensen (2007: 272) note, the Enlightenment marked a process through which scientists and thinkers might âshed light on all thingsâ in the pursuit of âtruth, purity, revelation and knowledgeâ, embodying the ideals of âillumination, objectivity and wisdomâ (ibid.: 273). Such ideals bolstered Eurocentric ideas that Africa was the âDark Continentâ, replete with animist and idolatrous faiths, ignorance and barbarism, âprimitiveâ qualities that could be overcome by the enlightening civilising mission. The metaphor of enlightenment was also assigned to Western spaces. The Victorian notion of âDarkest Londonâ was assigned to slums alleged to house indolent, criminal and depraved inhabitants, while the upright citizens of eighteenth-century urban America imagined that ârakes, scavengers, and thieves made their way through the inky blackness of the streetsâ (Baldwin, 2004: 751). Such narratives, as Oliver Dunnett (2015: 622) explains, are not only associated with a practical and symbolic modernisation but have âtaken on a moralising tone, seen as an all-encompassing force for good, banishing the ignorance of darkness in modern societyâ. Such associations extend and persist, as Kumar and Shaw (2019) demonstrate in disclosing how illumination remains a signifier of modernity in rural India. And the negative binary associations wherein darkness is counterposed to the revelatory, sacred, moral goodness of light possess an enduring legacy. They linger in common references made to the âDark Agesâ, âdark forcesâ and âdark tourismâ; darkness remains synonymous with the malevolent, sinister and backward.
This is comprehensible in grasping the potency of darkness in medieval times. As Roger Ekirch details, alongside the imagined malign entities that were believed to populate the nights were numerous very real hazards for those who ventured out after nightfall, including piles of rubbish, ditches full of waste, excrement-laden streets and overhanging timbers. Those trying to make their passage beyond city walls suffered accidents, stumbling into âfallen trees, thick underbrush, steep hillsides and open trenchesâ (2005: 123). Gloom permeated the spaces inside most houses, with rudimentary candles providing âsmall patches of light amid the blacknessâ (ibid.: 100). Little wonder also that medieval towns typically organised a watch for guarding against fire, interlopers and unidentified nocturnal wanderers, protecting inhabitants against those who used darkness to conceal their nefarious activities.
Yet even in contemporary times in which darkness has largely been banished from the city through what Koslofsky (2011) calls ânocturnalisationâ and Murray Melbin (1978) terms âcolonizationâ â the expansion of social and economic activity into the night and the subsequent spread of illumination â it remains widely perceived as intrinsic to danger, though this is influenced by different subjectivities of gender, ethnicity and age, for instance. Light, by contrast, affords visibility and orientation, deterring potential wrongdoers. Though this is ambiguous, with a growing awareness that light renders potential targets visible and disarms visibility outside areas of bright illumination, darkness remains associated with the fearful and dangerous (Brands et al., 2015). As illumination was increasingly utilised in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Chris Otter (2008: 66) states, darkness was conceived as a problem: âit allowed microbes to flourish and dust to accumulate. It made cleaning difficult, and it was inimical to healthâ. Moreover, urban darkness intensified anxieties about moral decay, debauchery and crime, fuelled by sensationalist media reporting. Lighting up public space allowed for the exposure and inspection of civil conduct while maintaining the reserve and distance necessary for fostering liberal subjects to make rational judgements about their own and othersâ conduct.
Accordingly, an orthodoxy has prevailed wherein light has reigned in many nocturnal settings, yet, having emphasised earlier that darkness is multivalent across time and space, it is invariably mediated by cultural practices and values; we emphasise Robert Williamsâs (2008: 514) contention that gloomy spaces are âconstituted by social struggles about what should and should not happen in certain places during the dark of the nightâ. For despite construals of darkness as overwhelmingly negative, such notions are neither historically nor geographically universal; nor have they ever been accepted by all. There has always been a plethora of dissonant voices, those for whom gloom is a cherished quality. Michel de Certeau (1984: 96) writes of the terror of an implacable light producing an urban text without obscurities, but insists that such a transformation is never complete, as this means that urban practitioners can ceaselessly create âopacities and ambiguitiesâ and âspaces of darkness and trickeryâ.
We may gain a sense of these alternative conceptions of darkness by considering certain pre-modern nocturnal values. In ancient Greek belief, the multiple qualities of darkness were portrayed, with necromancy, Dionysian and sacrificial rituals taking place in the dark. Moreover, a deep darkness was believed to characterise the lightless conditions of the underworld in contradistinction to the variable darkness of earthly night-time (Boutsikas, 2017), while the night goddess Nyx was an ambiguous divinity, associated with death and strife, but also with dreams and love (Bronfen, 2013). Gonlin and Nowellâs (2018a) edited archaeological collection also features essays that focus on the diverse and complex nocturnal historical practices and understandings of Polynesian, Native American, Indian, South American, African and Arabian cultures, collectively refuting any overdetermined universalism with regard to darkness. In their chapter in this book, Gonlin and Nowell underscore these contentions, investigating how archaeological research can reveal how sacred and productive nocturnal practices were carried out every day in ancient cultures. Zoroastrianism (Zajonc, 1993) conveys a particular Manicheanism in foregrounding an antagonism between warring spiritual powers that plays across the world, a battle, it is mooted, that will be resolved at the arrival of a final, third age in which light will triumph over dark. In his chapter for this book, Guy Bordin shows how Inuit culture emphasised that darkness was not ontologically associated with negative values but was conversely a condition conducive to sociability, storytelling, play, rituals and festivity, qualities and understandings undermined by the advent of Christianity.
Yet though we have asserted that Christian practice and belief has tended to express dualistic understandings wherein light is divine and dark is malign, older Christian conceptions challenge this orthodoxy. For instance, Veronica Della Dora identifies the appeal of the gloomy caves sought by early ascetic Eastern Christians that served as sites of prayer and retreat. Since it was beyond the capacity of humans to understand the divine, experience it visually or express it meaningfully, for these adherents, â(V)isual presence conceals spiritual absence; visual absence invites divine presenceâ (2011: 762). Similarly, Koslofsky (2011) draws attention to a sixteenth- and seventeenth-century European mystical theology that also promoted meditation within caves in which darkness inspired piety and metaphorically encapsulated the religious struggle towards the light and the path from earthly gloom to illuminated afterlife. In these caves, darkness was valued as conducive to mystery, profundity and beauty, signifying the ineffability and inexpressibility of God. More recently, Catherine Bird (2017) endeavours to refute these conventional Christian dualisms, asserting that since God is present in all things, He is as much revealed in darkness as in light. Drawing on many scriptural and spiritual references, she especially foregrounds an extract from Psalm 139:
If I say, âSurely the darkness shall cover me,
and the light about me be night,â
even the darkness is not dark to you;
the night is bright as the day,
for darkness is as light with you.
She also identifies the Christian Tenebrae service in which candles are successively extinguished, the final snuffing out of the light symbolising the crucifixion, divine ascendance and resurrection. Yet other belief systems also find spiritual sustenance in the dark. In Taoist meditation, remaining in a completely lightless room for a prolonged period is conducive to lucid dreaming and enhanced spirituality.
In addition to these positive cosmological and spiritual meanings, darkness has been imbued with positive qualities for a range of subaltern and oppositional groups.
In the dark, persecuted minorities, marginal groups and the lower classes may escape domineering masters, carve out time and space outside working time and achieve âfreedom from both labour and social scrutinyâ (Ekirch, 2005: 227). Galinier et al. refer to the Mesoamericans and Andeans who escaped the violence of Spanish imperial power by confining âindigenous knowledge and practices to the hidden recesses of the nightâ (2010: 828), and Palmer (2000) mentions the African-American slaves who forged a collectivity in the darkness. In addition, the time after the sun sets has been regarded as a period in which revolutionary, subversive and libidinal activities may thrive. Bryan Palmer conceives darkness not only to promote states of disconsolation and alienation but also transgression, as the âtime for daylightâs dispossessed - the deviant, the dissident, the differentâ (2000: 16â17) to emerge. Recently, this is exemplified by the occupation and disruption posed to urban space by the Nuit Debout protests at the Place de la Republique in Paris, where darkness has provided an opportunity to escape day-time surveillance and create an âintensive timespace in which political debate, discourse and protest might be more possibleâ (Shaw, 2017a: 124).
As illumination has expanded, it has been resisted by âthe traditional inhabitants of the night: servants, apprentices and students⌠tavern visitors, prostitutesâ and other workers and pleasure-seekers (Koslofsky, 2011: 278), as well as by witches, bohemians, beatniks, drug dealers, revolutionaries, conspirators and heretics. Late-night settings accommodate burlesque shows and blues and jazz musicians, nurturing ideas that darkness is associated with transgressive sexualities and mystical practices. These libidinal desires are especially exemplified by the gay darkrooms that offer a space in which men may seek out anonymous sexual intimacy, yet are often subject to regulation, as Aramayona and GarciĚa-SaĚnchez (2019) show in their discussion of tourism-led closure of gay dark rooms, low-cost clubs and âdark rebelliousâ nocturnal scenes in Madrid, replaced by more respectable, sanitised gay-friendly cafĂŠs, âheritageâ, art galleries and restaurants. Yet while constantly subject to surveillance and control, darkness continues to spawn opportunities âfor trying to be someone the daytime may not let you be, a time for meeting people you should not, for doing things your parents told you not to doâ (van Liempt et al., 2015: 408). These possibilities for transgression, adventure, subversion and libidinal encounter are aligned with the cultural presentation of the dark night as imbued with a nocturnal sublime. This ârealm of fascination and fear which inhabits the edges of our existence, crowded by shadows, plagued by uncertainty, and shrouded in intrigueâ (Sharpe, 2008: 9), as discussed later, is amply portrayed in film noir, romantic art and poetry and, more curiously, in colonialist constructions of exotic otherness, as explored in Julian Bakerâs (2015) account of nineteenth-century British colonial travellers in India travelling through the night to avoid the heat of the day. Baker discusses how their phantasmagorical colonial imagination intensified orientalist associations as they encountered the nocturnal landscape, with the silhouettes of elephants and bullocks, singing Indian servants, fantastic shadows and flickering flames, all enclosed by the gloom beyond, soliciting an exotic picturesque.
While romantic visions counter overwhelmingly negative portrayals of darkness, it is critical to recognise the highly ambiguous, contradictory sentiments that darkness can provoke. This is epitomised in two accounts of teenage encounters with gloom. Samantha Wilkinson (2017) shows that darkness, rather than being apprehended as a condition of fear and danger, is positively embraced by young British drinkers of alcohol. Finding spaces outside the home at night, they appreciate darknessâs allure as offering a temporary reprieve from spatial, social and sensory norms, as well as a convivial and intimate opportunity to drink and socialise with friends in a shared affective space. Conversely, Thomas et al. (2018) contend that for other young people in a different post-industrial location, darkness stoked fear and a sense of exclusion, and signified a political neglect that undergirded negative representations of their place. They undertook a campaign to install street lighting to banish the darkness that, for them, reduced convivial nocturnal movement and restricted the forging of social connections. In his chapter in this book, Ankit Kumar underscores the multivalency of darkness, showing how it generates moments of peril, a negligent local state, freedom and conviviality in rural Bihar.
The shifting values that surround darkness according to changing...