Historical Perspective
In their invitation to write the present chapter, the volume editors wrote: āWe very much want to have a chapter in our book on Intermittent Explosive Disorder (IED) covering the topic of āDevelopmental Trajectories of Aggressionā because we believe that many of the children you and your colleagues study grow up to have IED.ā
In making this request the volume editors were following in the steps of Aristotle who wrote, some 2600 years ago, that: He who considers things in their first growth and origin, ⦠will obtain the clearest view of them. (Politics, Book 1 chap 2). Similarly, 19th century investigators of animal and human behavior explicitly stated that understanding a given behavior required the description of that behavior's development from conception onwards (Cairns, 1983). But not all scientists agreed! One of the fiercest debates concerning the origins of species in the 1820s, described at the time by Goethe as a volcano eruption, was sparked by the decision of a French naturalist, Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, to compare the development of fetuses rather than continue comparing only the anatomy of adult animals (Appel, 1987). Some 30 years later, Charles Darwin cited this early work on the differences in the development of fetuses as one of the best support for his theory (Darwin, 1859, p. 409). In his history of developmental psychology, Robert Cairns (1983) reminded his readers that the father of experimental psychology in the 19th century, Wilhelm Wundt, rejected the developmental perspective arguing that the adult mind could be understood independently from the mind of the child.
This refusal to take a developmental perspective has largely prevailed in the study of aggressive behavior over the 20th century. Aggressive behavior problems during adulthood, as well as during adolescence, were generally studied without reference to childhood aggressive behavior problems.
One debate on the developmental origins of aggression among humans reached its peak in the late 1960s and early 1970s. It centered on the nature vs nurture origin of aggression. Konrad Lorenz's book āOn Aggressionā (Lorenz, 1966) was based on Lorenz's observations of animal behavior and concluded that humans, like all other animals, inherit an āaggressive instinctā which could lead to the destruction of humanity. The nurture side of the debate was highlighted by the social psychologist Albert Bandura in his book āAggression: A social learning perspectiveā published 7 years later (Bandura, 1973). Bandura's book was based on studies of children in a laboratory situation where they were shown to spontaneously imitate an adult hitting a Bobo doll. Bandura concluded from these observations: āPeople are not born with preformed repertories of aggressive behaviors; they must learn them in one way or anotherā (Bandura, 1973, p. 61). His work led to numerous studies that were partly driven by the hypothesis that children were becoming more aggressive because of violence on television (e.g., Eron, Walder, Toigo, & Lefkowitz, 1963; Huesmann, Lagerspetz, & Eron, 1984).
The social learning hypothesis of aggression essentially dominated the fields of criminology, education, child psychiatry, psychology, public health, and sociology. For example, in 1993 the US National Academy of Science Panel āOn understanding and control of violent behaviorā concluded: āModern Psychological perspectives emphasize that aggressive and violent behaviors are learned responses to frustration, that they can also be learned as instruments for achieving goals, and that the learning occurs by observing models of such behavior. Such models may be observed in the family, among peers, elsewhere in the neighborhood, through the mass media ā¦ā (Reiss & Roth, 1993, p. 7). As recently as 2002, the World Health Organization's āWorld Report on Violence and Healthā concluded: āThe majority of young people who become violent are adolescent-limited offenders who, in fact, show little or no evidence of high levels of aggression or other problem behaviors during their childhoodā (World Health Organization, 2002, p. 31). They attributed this conclusion to the following source: āYouth violence: a report of the Surgeon General. Washington, DC United States Department of Health and Human Servicesā (US Surgeon General, 2001).
Developmental Trajectories of Physical Aggression From Early Childhood to Old Age
In the last half of the 20th century, there was a strong interest in the stability of aggressive behavior. In one of the most often cited reviews, Olweus (1979) concluded that aggressive behavior was as stable as intelligence because of a high correlation between assessments at two points in time in 16 samples of males. Two studies starting toward the end of infancy also indicated that stability of physical aggression was high during the preschool years (Cummings, Iannotti, & Zahn-Waxler, 1989; Keenan & Shaw, 1994). However, it is important to remember that a high correlation between two assessments only indicates that individuals retain a relatively consistent placement within the group at two points in time. Correlational analyses of aggressive behavior with longitudinal data do not provide information on intraindividual change in aggressive behavior over time.
In 1984 we initiated the first large prospective longitudinal study of boysā physical aggressions from kindergarten onwards. The study made annual assessments of a sample of 1031 boys from 53 schools of low socioeconomic neighborhoods in Montreal (Canada). Results surprisingly showed that the mean frequency of physical aggressions decreased from early childhood to adolescence. ...