This chapter provides a description of the Developmental Theory of Embodiment. It begins with an explanation of the meaning and importance of studying embodiment and a description of a related research program. The second and third parts describe the theoretical results of the research, in particular: the Experience of Embodiment construct and the social factors that shape it according to the Developmental Theory of Embodiment. The chapter concludes with the stories of two young women, research participants, told by weaving the theoretical constructs into their body journeys.
Why Study Embodiment?
I think of myself as a whole, the mind-body all integrated or something like that⦠I feel comfortable in my own skin letting go of what a girl should look like. [Jane]
I hate my body and I want my body to die, to disintegrate, I have to overcome my body. This body is an obstacle⦠Like I feel disconnection, like feeling separate from your body⦠When you are fully confident you are comfortable in your own skin. [Crystal]
Jane and Crystal, both in their early 20s and pursuing university education, participated in the Young Women study. Jane grew up in a working-class family from a rural area. She described her ethnic heritage as White West European and her sexual orientation as heterosexual. Likewise, Crystal came from a working-class background, grew up in a rural town, but moved as a teenager to an urban center. She also described herself as heterosexual. The experiences of these two participants are referred to repeatedly in the chapter, to ground the theoretical constructs in lived experiences.
The concept of embodiment owes its philosophical underpinnings to the French phenomenologist Merleau-Ponty (1962) and refers to the lived experience of engagement of the body in the world. According to Merleau-Ponty, mind and body are inseparable, and the body is not only the center of perception, but also of subjectivity: experiencing the world meaningfully. Further, dialogical relationships exist between body and culture, such that, through active engagement with the world, the body performs and enacts cultural norms and practices (Crossley, 1995); in turn, the body can alter cultural practices. The embodiment term therefore refers concurrently to the breadth of lived experiences as one engages with his/her body in the world, and to the shaping of these experiences by cultural forces.
Jane and Crystal describe in their narratives above two very different experiences of embodiment. While Jane describes bodyāmind integration and comfort, Crystal describes bodyāmind disconnection and negative feelings toward her bodyāa burdensome and hated site. The first question driving this inquiry related to seeking an understanding of the quality of girls and womenās body-anchored experiences as they engage in the world around them. Such an understanding is crucial not only to examining āpeculiar feminine embodiment,ā but also to delineating positive ways of engagement with the world and associated facilitative social conditionsāhence guiding social transformations. Such a comprehensive goal requires the study of the lived experiences of girls and women across the life span.
Jane and Crystalās experiences of embodiment denote different levels of well-being. Indeed, much research indicates close links between ways of inhabiting the body and well-being. We know, for example, that negative body image among adolescent girls predicts the development of eating disorders (Stice, Marti, & Durant, 2011), smoking (Neumark-Sztainer, Paxton, Hannan, Haines, & Story, 2006), depression (Stice et al., 2011), and negative self-esteem (Tiggemann, 2005) in longitudinal studies. Alexithymia, which assesses disruptions in identifying and communicating about internal states, is linked with substance abuse and eating disorders (Taylor, Bagby, & Parker, 1991). The silencing of feelings and needs, as well as the suppression of outward expressions of anger, is correlated with body dissatisfaction, bulimia, and drive for thinness (Piran & Cormier, 2005). Conversely, the assertive expression of oneās own views and opinions is associated positively with self-esteem (Oakley et al., 2013). A comprehensive understanding of the quality of embodied lives can therefore enrich concepts of well-being.
The second reason to study embodiment relates to the shaping of embodied experiences and practices by cultural forces. Critical and feminist theories emphasize that the body is a site of social control. Foucault (1979), in particular, described, āThe body is directly involved in a political field; power relations have an immediate hold upon it; they invest it, mark it, train it, torture it, force it to carry out tasksā (p. 25). Through the expectation of compliance with widely accepted societal discourses, Foucault contended, society produces compliant, also termed, ādocileā bodies. In feminist theory, the discussion of body and power has been productive in explaining āfeminine embodiment,ā such as women moving in the public sphere while restricting the use of physical space (Bartky, 1988), or adhering to varied, potentially harmful, body alterations (Bordo, 1989). Thus, studying āfemale embodiment,ā and the social mechanisms that produce ādocileā feminine bodies, enriches feminist theory and comprises a key to feminist activism and social transformations (Bordo, 1988; Fahs, 2015; Piran, 2010).
Research Program
This book describes the results of a research program that included 171 interviews with girls and women on the topics of embodiment, and the social conditions that shape it. It is also bolstered by knowledge from 116 focus groups with school-aged girls and quantitative surveys with about 1500 women. All interviews and focus groups were conducted in sites across Canada, and included participants from diverse backgrounds, such as varied ethnocultural groups, as well as first- and second-generation immigrants from around the world.
The 171 interviews with girls and women took place in three studies. The 5-year prospective Girl Study included 87 interviews with 27 girls, aged 9ā14 years during the first phase of the study, who were interviewed three to four times over a 5-year period. The Young Women Study involved 30 interviews with 11 women, aged 20ā27 years. The Older Women Study included 54 interviews with 31 women, aged 50ā68 years (see Appendix 1 for detailed participantsā descriptions in these three studies, and Piran, 2016a for an expanded description of research methodology).
Feminist, hermeneutic, and constructivist lenses informed all aspects of the inquiry, including the interviews. In line with the feminist lens, interviews emphasized participantsā expertise in reflecting about their lived experiences, diversity among participants, and the critical examination of the social context. While the Girl Study utilized a prospective methodology, the Young and Older Women Studies utilized a life history methodology to qualitative interviewing (Cole & Knowles, 2001). This approach aims to examine the intersection between individualsā experiences and their social contexts, emphasizing points of transition throughout their life span. The program of research employed the constructivist grounded theory approach to data analysis, as this approach leads to the construction of a conceptual understanding of the phenomenon under study (Charmaz, 2006).
Experience of Embodiment
The first phase of the research program aimed to explore the key dimensions of embodiment among pre- and post-pubertal girls, as well as that of younger and older women. This analysis involved coding narratives where girls and women described their experiences in their bodies as they engaged with the world around them.
The core construct that emerged from this analysis, which we have labeled as the Experience of Embodiment (EE), provides a new perspective on ways girls and women inhabit their bodies across their life span. In particular, the EE construct addresses a breadth of experiences that, up until this point, have not been captured by other constructs. The broad range of experiences included in the EE is clustered into five related dimensions, reflected along a continuum from positive to negative:
⢠Body Connection and Comfort
⢠Agency and Functionality
⢠Experience and Expression of Desire
⢠Inhabiting the Body as a Subjective Site, Resisting Objectification
Participants differed in their EE depending on the quality of their experiences in the five dimensions. We observed a tendency for the dimensions to align on either the positive or negative side of the continuum. Also, participantsā quality of EE changed over time in relation to their social environment. (Refer to Table 1.1 for a definition of the two poles of each dimension).
Importantly, the relationship between these different dimensions led to a new research-based definition of positive embodiment. Accordingly, the definition of Positive Embodiment is Positive Body Connection and Comfort, Embodied Agency and Passion, and Attuned Self-Care. Conversely, the definition of Negative Embodiment is Disrupted Body Connection and Discomfort, Restricted Agency and Passion, and Self-Neglect or Harm.
To contextualize these definitions, let us consider the five dimensions of the EE from Jane and Crystalās unique perspectives and how they align along the positive to negative continuum.
Table 1.1
Dimensions of the Experience of Embodiment Construct
| Positive | Negative |
| Dimensions | Body Connection and Comfort | Disrupted Body Connection and Discomfort |
| Agency and Functionality | Restricted Agency and Restraint |
| Experience and Expression of Desire | Disrupted Connection to Desire |
| Attuned Self-care | Disrupted Attunement, Self-harm, and Neglect |
| Inhabiting the Body as a Subjective Site | Inhabiting the Body as an Objectified Site |
Dimension 1: Body Connection and Comfort versus Body Disconnection and Discomfort
Jane exhibits Body Connection and Comfort. As reflected in the narrative below, in addition to describing having a positive connection with her body and finding comfort in inhabiting it, Jane also recounts engaging in self-talk that bolstered her acceptance of her natural body shape and her financial constraints in buying clothesāboth barriers to embodying an idealized female image.
I think of myself as a whole, the mind body all integrated or something like that⦠I feel comfortable in my own skin and letting go, letting go of that, you know, prescribed notions of what a girl should look like. I cannot look like a six-foot-two, 125-pound woman. Okay, letās pass that. Should I be more concerned about clothes? Well, I canāt afford those clothes⦠So thereās not much point in stressing over them.
In contrast, Crystal exhibits Body Disconnection and Discomfort. In addition to expressing a strong disconnection from her body and a wi...