chapter 1
Lord Dunmore, Black Insurrection, and the Independence Movement in Virginia and South Carolina
[Dunmoreâs proclamation tends] more effectively to work an external separation between Great Britain and the Colonies, than any other expedient, which could possibly be thought of.
âEdward Rutledge, South Carolina signer of the Declaration of Independence, December 1776
In Virginia, in a fraught atmosphere in which white Patriots believed themselves threatened alike by the oppressions of the colonial administration and the prospects of slave revolts, not just the Dunmore Proclamation but a whole series of actions by Governor Dunmore exacerbated the hostility between the Patriots and the Crown, simultaneously hastening the advent of the American Revolution and helping to put in motion the revolution that paralleled it, the revolution in the status of Americaâs black slaves. A similar situation prevailed in South Carolina, where advocates of the revolution for American independence were both motivated by and opposed to the revolution in the status of black slaves. The specter of slave revolts incited by Dunmoreâs actions seemed to many Patriots in both colonies to be of a piece with other deliberate acts by the colonial administration contrary to the interests of the colonial settlers.
Attracted by British freedom, blacks thronged to Dunmoreâs standard. One result was the central role of the Royal Ethiopian Regiment on the British side in the first battles of the Revolution in Virginia. Another was a continuing ferment, for instance by Loyalists William Dalrymple and Joseph Galloway, to enlist and emancipate slaves while Patriot elites, zealous to preserve bondage, seceded.1
Already in 1772, Governor Dunmore, contemplating the emancipation of colonial slaves, had written to Colonial Secretary William Legge, the Earl of Dartmouth, that Patriot slave owners, âwith great reason, trembled at the facility that [their] enemy, would find in Such a body of men, attached by no tye to their Master nor to the Country. . . . It was natural to Suppose that their Condition must inspire them with an aversion to both, and [that they] therefore are ready to join the first that would encourage them to revenge themselves, by which means a Conquest of this Country would inevitably be effected in a very short time.â2
Initially paralyzed by the interests of British commerce and the fact that some slaves were Tory âproperty,â the Crown hesitated to adopt Dunmoreâs strategy. London did not free blacks for joining the British army. Instead, Prime Minister North awaited events in the field. Nonetheless, hopes for freedom from an idealized king, the Somersett decision, and Dunmoreâs threats encouraged blacks to escape to the Crown in massive numbers even before Dunmoreâs official proclamation on November 7, 1775.
Virginiaâs Patriot slave ownersâ fears of a black insurrection incited by royal policies coalesced with their growing resistanceâarmed resistanceâto the agents of the British Crown.3 On the morning of April 20, 1775, the day after the Battle of Lexington in Massachusetts marked the outbreak of armed hostilities between the Patriots and the British, Governor Dunmore transferred twenty barrels of gunpowder from the public magazine in Williamsburg to an imperial ship, the Magdalen.4 This had a double effect. It denied the gunpowder both to the Patriots at a time when armed rebellion against the Crown was breaking out and to the white community at a time when rumors of slave rebellions once again exacerbated white fears. At this crucial juncture, the two revolutions, for independence and emancipation, came togetherâand came in conflict.
With both the thwarted 1774 black insurrection in Virginia, news of which Madison wanted to suppress, and word of other uprisings fresh in peopleâs minds, as Dixon and Hunterâs Virginia Gazette reported on April 22, the people of Williamsburg assembled, led by the mayor, and sent a note to Dunmore citing the possible imminent slave rebellionâand his administrationâs apparent encouragement of itâas the reason why they needed access to the gunpowder: âWe have too much reason to believe that some wicked and designing persons have distilled the most diabolical notions into the minds of our slaves and therefore the utmost attention to our internal security has become the more necessary.â5 The phrase âsome wicked and designing personsâ refers elliptically to Dunmoreâs own repeated threats. Later, on May 1, 1775, Dunmore reported to the Earl of Dartmouth, the secretary of state for the colonies, that the mayor had delivered an address that had stressed âthe alarm into which the people had been thrown at the taking away of the powder in a private manner by an armed force, particularly at a time when they are apprehensive of insurrections among their slaves, (some reports having prevailed to this effect)â and had concluded âwith a peremptory demand that the powder be delivered up immediately to them.â6
It was the prospect of the gunpowder falling into the hand of rebelling slaves, Dunmore told the mayor, that had caused him to secure it on the ship for safekeeping. âHearing of an insurrection in a neighboring county,â Dunmore had responded; he had removed the powder. If a slave revolt were to occur in Williamsburg, he said, he would swiftly return it. Yet âhe was surprised to hear that the people were under arms on this occasion and that he should not think it were prudent to put powder into their hands in such a situation.â7
Patriots marched on the Magdalen. Armed with grapeshot, the shipâs log reports, sailors opposed âthe inhabitants of Williamsburgh [who] were under arms and threatened to attack the Schooner.â8 And Patriots Alexander Spottswood, G. Weedon, Jonathan Willis, and Hugh Mercer, officers of the Fredericksburg militia, wrote to Commander William Grayson of the Prince William County militia that they had indeed gathered troops to march on Williamsburg. They sought his support: âIn these sentiments this Compny could but determine that a number of public spirited gentn should embrace this opportunity of showing their Zeal in the Grand Cause by marching to Wmsbrg to enquire into this Affair and there to take such steps as may best answer the purpose of recovering the powder & securing the Arms now in the Magazine.â9
The âGrand Causeâ of the revolt of the American colonies against British oppression here became one with fear of slave uprising as the motive for pursuing Virginiaâs independence. In response to the Dunmore Proclamation, Virginian âPatriotsâ strove to preserve bondage. To recruit slave owners for the militia, Patrick Henry circulated the proclamation. Patriot gazettes alluded to the governorâs âblack banditti.â To Thomas Jefferson on June 3, 1776, Francis Eppes, a Virginia plantation owner, referred to âLord Dunmore & his motley crew.â10 In the backcountry, according to Patriot Phillip Fithian of southwestern New Jersey, the Dunmore Proclamation âquicken[ed] all in Revolution.â Too glibly, Richard Henry Lee announced that âLord Dunmoreâs unparalleled conduct in Virginia has, a few Scotch excepted, united every Man in that large Colony.â11
On April 27, 1775, to prevent further escalation of the incident, however, Peyton Randolph, soon to be first president of the Continental Congress, wrote to Mann Page, Lewis Willis, and Benjamin Grymes that the taking up of arms had âincensed the Governor a good deal and from every thing we can learn was the principal Reason why his Answer was not more explicit and favorable. His Excellency has repeatedly assured several Respectable Gentlemen that his only motive in Removing the Powder was to secure it, as there had been an alarm from the County of Surry which at first seemâd too well founded, âtho it afterwards proved groundless.â12
By explaining the sequestration of the gunpowder in terms of the threat of a revolution among black slaves, the governor had aimed to secure the submission of white Virginians inclined to their own kind of revolt. On May 1, 1775, the governor reported to Dartmouth, he had thought it prudent to seize the gunpowder at Williamsburg to thwart âthe raising of a body of armed men in all the counties.â13 As Randolphâs April 27 letter underlines, however, the raising of Patriot soldiers occurred outside Williamsburg only as a response to Dunmoreâs removal of the powder.14 And while Dunmore claimed to Dartmouth that he took the arms to protect owners against black insurrection, no elite Virginian believed this.
If Dunmoreâs flamboyant stance had been more honorable, he might have taken credit for attempting to undo bondage. Instead, imperial emancipation was, for him, a means to maintain the empire. In contrast, American insights would eventually generate a novel contractarian vision of black and white equality. Still, if freedom is the measure of the American Revolution, ironically, it was not an American Patriot, but a British royal governor, âDunmore the Liberator,â in historian Benjamin Quarlesâs phrase, who, despite the colonial administratorâs equivocations, initially took action for the relief of the most oppressed.15
LORD DUNMORE, EMANCIPATION, AND THE PATRIOT REBELLION
But Dunmore had danced a tightrope between inciting the menace of black insurrection to achieve the submission of slave owners and at the same time provoking them by infringing on their right to bear arms. And the colonists werenât his only problem. Despite his incendiary words, Dunmore needed to persuade London that he somehow proceeded with caution. As he explained to the secretary for the colonies, âI thought proper in the defenceless state in which I find myself, to endeavour to soothe them verbally to the effect that I had removed the powder, lest the Negroes might have seized upon it, to a place of security from whence when I saw occasion I would at any time deliver it to the people; but in the ferment in which they then appeared it would be highly improper to put it into their hands.â16
However, to promise salvation from the threat of black rebellion to those to whom he depicted the horrors of a slave uprising that he himself would instigate could only inspire indignation. To seize powder at the rumor of black insurrection, prompting Patriots to take up arms against him, and then to tell them that he did it âin their defenseâ further incensed them. Such paradoxes reveal Dunmoreâs contempt for the acuity of both the colonists and his London superiors.
He soothed no elite Virginians, and their armed revolt proceeded apace. To Dartmouth, Dunmore wrote: âParties of armed men were continually coming into town from the adjacent counties the following days, offering fresh insults.â Once again, Dunmore threatened to reduce the colonistsâ âhouses to ashesâ and to arm their slaves against them: âAnd I have already signified to the magistrates of Williamsburg that I expect them on their allegiance to put . . . a stop to the march of the people now on their way before they enter this city, that otherwise . . . it is my fixed purpose to arm all my own Negroes and receive all others that will come to me whom I shall declare free; that I do enjoin the magistrates and all others professing to be loyal subjects to repair to my assistance or that I shall consider the whole country in an actual state of rebellion and myself at liberty to annoy it by every means possible, and that I shall not hesitate at reducing their houses to ashes and spreading devastation wherever I can reach.â17
On May 15, Lieutenant General Thomas Gage alerted Dartmouth to Dunmoreâs âvery alarmingâ situation. Gage feared that âthe assistance in my power to give him will avail but little.â He ordered the Fourteenth Regiment at Providence Island and St. Augustine to Virginia. In addition, Gage had heard âby a private letter that a declaration his lordship had made...