Images
Image is everything.
Andre Agassi, Canon Camera commercial
THE OBSERVATION THAT âimage is everythingâ has usually been a matter of complaint, not celebration, as it is in Andre Agassiâs notorious declaration (made long before he shaved his head, changed his image, and became a
real tennis star instead of a poster boy). The purpose of this first section is to demonstrate that images are not everything, but at the same time to show how they manage to convince us that they are. Part of this is a question of language: the word
image is notoriously ambiguous. It can denote both a physical object (a painting or sculpture) and a mental, imaginary entity, a psychological
imago, the visual content of dreams, memories, and perception. It plays a role in both the visual and verbal arts, as the name of the represented content of a picture or its overall formal gestalt (what Adrian Stokes called the âimage in formâ); or it can designate a verbal motif, a named thing or quality, a metaphor or other âfigure,â or even the formal totality of a text as a âverbal icon.â It can even pass over the boundary between vision and hearing in the notion of an âacoustic image.â And as a name for likeness, similitude, resemblance, and analogy it has a quasilogical status as one of the three great orders of sign formation, the âicon,â which (along with C. S. Peirceâs âsymbolâ and âindexâ) constitutes the totality of semiotic relationships.
1 I am concerned here, however, not so much to retrace the ground covered by semiotics, but to look at the peculiar tendency of images to absorb and be absorbed by human subjects in processes that look suspiciously like those of living things. We have an incorrigible tendency to lapse into vitalistic and animistic ways of speaking when we talk about images. Itâs not just a question of their producing âimitations of lifeâ (as the saying goes), but that the imitations seem to take on âlives of their own.â I want to ask, in the
first chapter, precisely what sort of âlivesâ we are talking about, and how images live
now, in a time when terrorism has given new vitality to collective fantasy, and cloning has given a new meaning to the imitation of life. In the
second chapter I turn to a model of vitality based in desireâin hunger, need, demand, and lackâand explore the extent to which the âlife of imagesâ expresses itself in terms of appetites. In the
third chapter (âDrawing Desireâ) I turn this question around. Instead of asking what pictures want, I raise the question of how we picture desire as such, especially in that
most fundamental form of picture-making we call âdrawing.â Finally (in âThe Surplus Value of Imagesâ), I will turn to the question of value, and explore the tendency to both over- and underestimate images, making them into âeverythingâ and ânothing,â sometimes in the same breath.
Vital Signs | Cloning Terror
* One never knows what a book is about until it is too late. When I published a book called
Picture Theory in 1994, for instance, I thought I understood its aims very well. It was an attempt to diagnose the âpictorial turnâ in contemporary culture, the widely shared notion that visual images have replaced words as the dominant mode of expression in our time.
Picture Theory tried to analyze the pictorial, or (as it is sometimes called) the âiconicâ or âvisual,â turn, rather than to simply accept it at face value.
1 It was designed to resist received ideas about âimages replacing words,â and to resist the temptation to put all the eggs in one disciplinary basket, whether art history, literary criticism, media studies, philosophy, or anthropology. Rather
than relying on a preexisting theory, method, or âdiscourseâ to explain pictures, I wanted to let them speak for themselves. Starting from âmetapictures,â or pictures that reflect on the process of pictorial representation itself, I wanted to study pictures themselves as forms of theorizing. The aim, in short, was to picture theory, not to import a theory of pictures from somewhere else.
I donât meant to suggest, of course, that Picture Theory was innocent of any contact with the rich archive of contemporary theory. Semiotics, rhetoric, poetics, aesthetics, anthropology, psychoanalysis, ethical and ideological criticism, and art history were woven (probably too promiscuously) into a discussion of the relations of pictures to theories, texts, and spectators; the role of pictures in literary practices like description and narration; the function of texts in visual media like painting, sculpture, and photography; the peculiar power of images over persons, things, and public spheres. But all along I thought I knew what I was doing, namely, explaining what pictures are, how they mean, what they do, while reviving an ancient interdisciplinary enterprise called iconology (the general study of images across the media) and opening a new initiative called visual culture (the study of human visual experience and expression).
Then the first review of
Picture Theory arrived. The editors of
The Village Voice were generally kind in their assessment, but they had one complaint. The book had the wrong title. It should have been called
What Do Pictures Want? This observation immediately struck me as right, and I resolved to write an essay with this title. The present book is an outgrowth of that effort, collecting much of my critical output in image theory from 1994 to 2002, especially the papers exploring the life of images. The aim here is to look at the varieties of animation or vitality that are attributed to images, the agency, motivation, autonomy, aura, fecundity, or other symptoms that make pictures into âvital signs,â by which I mean not merely signs
for living things but signs
as living things. If the question, what do pictures want? makes any sense at all, it must be because we assume that pictures are something like life-forms, driven by desire and appetites.
2 The question of how
that assumption gets expressed (and disavowed) and what it means is the prevailing obsession of this book.
But first, the question: what do pictures want? Why should such an apparently idle, frivolous, or nonsensical question command more than a momentâs attention?
3 The shortest answer I can give can only be formulated as yet another question: why is it that people have such strange attitudes toward images, objects, and media? Why do they behave as if pictures were alive, as if works of art had minds of their own, as if images had a power to influence human beings, demanding things from us, persuading, seducing, and leading us astray? Even more puzzling, why is it that the very people who express these attitudes and engage in this behavior will, when questioned, assure us that they know very well that pictures are not alive, that works of art do not have minds of their own, and that images are really quite powerless to do anything without the cooperation of their beholders? How is it, in other words, that people are able to maintain a âdouble consciousnessâ toward images, pictures, and representations in a variety of media, vacillating between magical beliefs and skeptical doubts, naive animism and hardheaded materialism, mystical and critical attitudes?
4 The usual way of sorting out this kind of double consciousness is to attribute one side of it (generally the naive, magical, superstitious side) to someone else, and to claim the hardheaded, critical, and skeptical position as oneâs own. There are many candidates for the âsomeone elseâ who believes that images are alive and want things: primitives, children, the masses, the illiterate, the uncritical, the illogical, the âOther.â
5 Anthropologists have traditionally attributed these beliefs to the âsavage mind,â art historians to
the non-Western or premodern mind, psychologists to the neurotic or infantile mind, sociologists to the popular mind. At the same time, every anthropologist and art historian who has made this attribution has hesitated over it. Claude LĂ©vi-Strauss makes it clear that the savage mind, whatever that is, has much to teach us about modern minds. And art historians such as David Freedberg and Hans Belting, who have pondered the magical character of images âbefore the era of art,â admit to some uncertainty about whether these naive beliefs are alive and well in the modern era.
6 Let me put my cards on the table at the outset. I believe that magical attitudes toward images are just as powerful in the modern world as they were in so-called ages of faith. I also believe that the ages of faith were a bit more skeptical than we give them credit for. My argument here is that the double consciousness about images is a deep and abiding feature of human responses to representation. It is not something that we âget overâ when we grow up, become modern, or acquire critical consciousness. At the same time, I would not want to suggest that attitudes toward images never change, or that there are no significant differences between cultures or historical or developmental stages. The specific expressions of this paradoxical double consciousness of images are amazingly various. They include such phenomena as popular
and sophisticated beliefs about art, responses to religious icons by true believers
and reflections by theologians, childrenâs (
and parentsâ) behavior with dolls and toys, the feelings of nations and populations about cultural and political icons, reactions to technical advances in media and reproduction,
and the circulation of archaic racial stereotypes. They also include the ineluctable tendency of criticism itself to pose as an iconoclastic practice, a labor of demystification and pedagogical exposure of false images. Critique-as-iconoclasm is, in my view, just as much a symptom of the life of images as its obverse, the naive faith in the inner life of works of art. My hope here is to explore a third way, suggested by Nietzscheâs strategy of âsounding the idolsâ with the âtuning forkâ of critical or philosophical language.
7 This would be a mode of criticism that did not dream of getting beyond images, beyond representation, of smashing the false images that bedevil us, or even of producing a definitive sepa
ration between true and false images. It would be a delicate critical practice that struck images with just enough force to make them resonate, but not so much as to smash them.
Roland Barthes put the problem very well when he noted that âgeneral opinion . . . has a vague conception of the image as an area of resistance to meaningâthis in the name of a certain mythical idea of Life: the image is re-presentation, which is to say ultimately resurrection.â
8 When Barthes wrote this, he believed that semiotics, the âscience of signs,â would conquer the imageâs âresistance to meaningâ and demystify the âmythical idea of Lifeâ that makes representation seem like a kind of âresurrection.â Later, when he reflected on the problem of photography, and was faced with a photograph of his own mother in a winter garden as the âcenterâ of the worldâs âlabyrinth of photographs,â he began to waver in his belief that critique could overcome the magic of the image: âWhen I confronted the Winter Garden Photograph I gave myself up to the Image, to the Image-Repertoire.â
9 The
punctum, or wound, left by a photograph always trumps its
studium, the message or semiotic content that it discloses. A similar (and simpler) demonstration is offered by one of my art history colleagues: when students scoff at the idea of a magical relation between a picture and what it represents, ask them to take a photograph of their mother and cut out the eyes.
10 Barthesâ most important observation is that the imageâs resistance to meaning, its mythical, vitalistic status, is a âvague conception.â The whole purpose of this book is to make this vague conception as clear as possible, to analyze the ways in which images seem to come alive and want things. I put this as a question of desire rather than meaning or power, asking, what do images want? rather than what do images mean or do? The question of meaning has been thoroughly exploredâone might say exhaustivelyâby hermeneutics and semiotics, with the result that every image theorist seems to find some residue or âsurplus valueâ that goes beyond communication, signification, and persuasion. The model of the power of images has been ably explored by other scholars,
11 but it seems to me that it does
not quite capture the paradoxical double consciousness that I am after. We need to reckon with not just the meaning of images but their silence, their reticence, their wildness and nonsensical obduracy.
12 We need to account for not just the power of images but their powerlessness, their impotence, their abjection. We need, in other words, to grasp
both sides of the paradox of the image: that it is aliveâbut also dead; powerfulâbut also weak; meaningfulâbut also meaningless. The question of desire is ideally suited for this inquiry because it builds in at the outset a crucial ambiguity. To ask, what do pictures want? is not just to attribute to them life and power and desire, but also to raise the question of what it is they
lack, what they do not possess, what cannot be attributed to them. To say, in other words, that pictures âwantâ life or power does not necessarily imply that they
have life or power, or even that they are capable of wishing for it. It may simply be an admission that they lack something of this sort, that it is missing or (as we say) âwanting.â
It would be disingenuous, however, to deny that the question of what pictures want has overtones of animism, vitalism, and anthropomorphism, and that it leads us to consider cases in which images are treated as if they were living things. The concept of image-as-organism is, of course, âonlyâ a metaphor, an analogy that must have some limits. David Freedberg has worried that it is âmerelyâ a literary convention, a clichĂ© or trope, and then expressed further anxieties over his own dismissive use of the wo...