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Accountability and Unaccountability in Athenian Democracy
Introduction
In his prosecution of Ctesiphon in 330 BCE, Aeschines offers the assembled jurors the following reflections on the fundamental differences between political regimes: âYou know well, men of Athens, that there are three types of regime among all mankindâtyranny, oligarchy, and democracy. While tyrannies and oligarchies are administered according to the will and pleasure of their leaders, cities with democratic constitutions are administered according to established laws.â1 Democratic Athens could be so governed only because, in contrast to tyrannies and oligarchies, âthere [was] nothing in the city that [was] exempt from audit, investigation, and examination.â2 As Aeschines elaborates, âIn this city, so ancient and so great, no one is unaccountable [oudeis estin anupeuthunos] who in some way has applied himself to public affairs.â3 The essential difference between democratic and tyrannical or oligarchic regimes comes to light as one of accountability. While the tyrant administers the polis by his own lights and for his own good, political actors at Athens are held accountable and limited by law.4
Aeschinesâ portrait of Athens neatly captures the centrality of accountability to Athenian politics. By accountability, I do not mean anything particularly foreign to our own understanding of the concept. As Peter Euben has noted, âIn many respects the Greek idea of accountability has the same range, breadth and ambiguity as our own. To render an account is to provide a story or description of events or situations as well as to explain oneself (often to a superior). To give an account is to give reasons . . . to call to account is to hold someone responsible or blame them.â5 Yet there are also important differences between ancient Greek and modern democratic accountability practices. Contemporary democratic theory often cashes out accountability in terms of representativeness and elections: âGovernments are âaccountableâ if citizens can discern representative from unrepresentative governments and can sanction them appropriately, retaining in office those incumbents who perform well and ousting from office those who do not.â6 Electoral accountability, it is hoped, will produce a government responsive to the beliefs, preferences, and interests of the voting populace. By contrast, election as an accountability (as opposed to a selection) mechanism in Athens played at most a peripheral role. Instead, for Aeschines and his fellow citizens, holding political officeâwhether elected or chosen by lotâmeant submitting oneself to multiple accountability procedures before, during, and after oneâs service to the polis. Active participants in politics were called upon to give an account of their actions and could be punished by their fellow citizens should their accounts be deemed unsatisfactory. As Aeschinesâ boasts suggest, Athenian accountability procedures were remarkable in scope and the intensity of their practice. Contemporary scholarship affirms this view, stressing the thoroughness of accountability procedures, their wide applicability, and the potential severity of punishment.7
Yet Aeschinesâ account might also mislead in two ways. First, in spite of his insistence on democratic exceptionalism, measures to hold political officials responsible for their actions in office were not uniquely democratic. As P. J. Rhodes puts it, âAccounting procedures were widespread under regimes of various kinds.â8 What, then, differentiates ancient Greek democratic accountability politics from practices in other regime types? Second, there were exceptions to Aeschinesâ confident assertion that nothing and no one escaped the purview of Athensâ accountability mechanisms. And understanding the exceptions to Aeschinesâ rule of political accountability will in turn help us answer the first question posed. For there were two important modes of political participation that stood outside ofâor better yet, aboveâthe dense network of accountability institutions. Citizens voting (but not speaking) in the assembly (ekklÄsia) and serving as jurors in the large popular courts (dikastÄria) could not be formally called on to explain or justify their votes before their fellow citizens, nor could they be punished for how they voted. At the same time, the unaccountable citizens participating in these institutions played central roles in holding other officials to account. This fundamental asymmetry is the central fact of Athenian accountability procedures: at Athens, accountability was to the peopleâand the people, in their capacity as assemblymen and jurors, were unaccountable.
Scholars have primarily taken two approaches to the exceptional status of jurors and assemblymen within the system of accountability. The dominant strategy is to note it briefly in passing and then to leave it virtually unexplored.9 For example, Jan Elster observes that âthe system of checks and balances through mutual accountability had an âunmoved moverâ or unchecked checker, in the Athenian people meeting in the Assembly or serving as jurors.â He takes this to be a âlacunaâ in the system but does not subject it to further investigation.10 Jennifer Tolbert Roberts has little to say about the unaccountability of jurors and assemblymen in her otherwise thorough Accountability in Athenian Government other than to report that âthere were two overlapping groups at Athens who remained unaccountable. These were the private citizens in their capacity as voters in the Assembly and in the Popular Courts (dikastÄria). These men nobody could hold to account. A man could be impeached for giving bad advice, but not for taking it.â11 She recognizes that this was fertile ground for those critical of the democracy but leaves her analysis at that.
The second approach, not incompatible with the first, seeks to minimize the degree to which the treatment of assemblymen and jurors really was an exception in Athenian politics. Peter Euben, for example, has argued influentially that Athenian democracy was characterized by a âculture of accountability,â which consisted in âthe people being accountable to each other and to themselves.â He does not consider whether this claim for generalized accountability is undermined by his recognition that âfor better or for worse, members of the juries and nonspeakers in the Athenian Assembly . . . were not subject to the same intense scrutiny [as other participants in political life].â12 Other scholars have followed his lead. Elizabeth Markovits has tried to demonstrate the ways in which âthe average Athenian (even those who chose a relatively apolitical life) remained tied to [Athensâ] overall culture of accountability,â instantiated in such practices as drama, the taking of oaths, and gossip and rumor.13 Moreover, political participation at Athens was extremely widespread. The proliferation of offices and the role of ordinary citizens in holding magistrates to account meant that many citizens would, at different times, both exercise accountability over others and find themselves held to account for their own actions. In this way, as one scholar has argued, the Aristotelian principle of âruling and being ruled in turnâ had a democratic corollary at Athens âin the expectation that rulers and ruled [would] hold and be held to account in turn.â14 These scholars are invested in a view of Athenian accountability as a rich network of mutual and reciprocal ties; the unaccountability of jurors and assemblymen fades into unimportance against the backdrop of a generalized accountability culture.15
Neither of these approaches is wholly satisfactory. Popular unaccountability16 was a central fact of Athenian democracy and deserves more sustained reflection than it typically receives. Attempts to treat it as an unimportant exception to a generalized culture of reciprocal accountability distort our understanding of Athenian democracy and gloss over a fundamental tension in its politics. As I will argue throughout this book, the basic asymmetries in Athenian accountability practices structured Athensâ politics in far-reaching ways and are central to understanding the discourse on counsel developed in our fifth- and fourth-century literary sources. In this chapter and the next, I analyze how and why jurors and assemblymen were treated differently from other political actors. I show how Athenian democrats attempted to justify this differential treatment and how critics of democracy exploited it.
I begin with an analysis of Athensâ extensive system of political accountability, comparing Athenian institutions and practices with their counterparts in other democratic and in oligarchic regimes. Athenian accountability institutions were popular, discretionary, and asymmetrical: masses of citizens gathered in the assembly and popular courts were given wide latitude in holding political actors to account but could not themselves be held to account for their judgments. Next, I consider institutional and cultural factors that might have served to mitigate popular unaccountability. I argue that practices such as review of assembly decisions, the jurorsâ oath, and public pressure on juries and assemblymen all plausibly served in various ways to structure and channel popular decision-making. Nonetheless, these factors were different in kind, not just in degree, from the accountability mechanisms all other political actors faced. Finally, I consider how Athenians might have justified to themselves their system of accountability and the role of popular institutions within it. I canvass a number of possible justifications, including feasibility constraints on holding masses of citizens accountable, the Athenian belief in the âwisdom of the masses,â and the relationship between unaccountability and a conception of the demos as sovereign. I argue that one promising avenue of justification centered on identifying jurors and assemblymen with the figure of the powerless, amateur idiĹtÄs, or âprivate citizen.â Yet as I show, that identification was always a tenuous one. The tension between the relative powerlessness of individual Athenians and the power of the collective demos was not easily resolved.
I. Athenian Accountability in Comparative Perspective
As A. H. M. Jones aptly notes, while Athenian democrats believed that âall citizens could be trusted to take their part in the government of the city . . . on one point the Athenians were distrustful of human nature, on its ability to resist the temptations of irresponsible power.â17 This distrust of âirresponsible powerâ manifested itself above all in the complex machinery of democratic accountability that arose in the fifth century alongside the democracy itself.18 In this section I outline the major institutions of accountability in democratic Athens, comparing them with institutions from other ancient Greek poleis. I stress the central role played by assemblymen and jurorsâordinary members of the demosâin the accountability politics of Athens and other democratic regimes in contrast with their role in oligarchic poleis. I consider the procedures all Athenian magistrates routinely faced at the beginning and end of their tenures: the dokimasia and euthunai. I also take up two major Athenian institutions used on a discretionary basis to hold magistrates and other politically active citizens to account, including the demosâ advisers: the eisangelia and graphÄ paranomĹn.
In offering this overview, I highlight three salient features common to Athenian institutions of accountability. First, the institutions were popular. The final arbiters in accountability procedures were large groups of citizens, serving as either voters in the assembly or jurors. Second, the institutions were discretionary. While the laws typically set out specific crimes and acts of malfeasance for which a political actor could be punished, Athenian institutions of accountability characteristically allowed considerable room for judgment on the part of the citizens trying the cases. Third, the institutions were asymmetrical. Members of juries and voters in the assembly could not be called to account for their actions, even while holding others to account. Taken together, these features set Athenian accountability institutions apart from their oligarchic counterparts and explain what was distinctively democratic about Athensâ accountability politics.
ORDINARY PROCEDURES: DOKIMASIA AND EUTHUNAI FOR MAGISTRATES
In fifth- and fourth-century Athens, the day-to-day administration of the democratic polis lay in the hands of perhaps seven hundred magistrates (including the five hundred members of the boulÄ), most of them selected by lot.19 All magistrates underwent accountability procedures at the beginning and end of their terms of office. The dokimasia tĹn archĹn, held before a popular jury, screened potential magistrates selected by election or sortition before they assumed office. At his dokimasia, a putative magistrate could be rejected for failure to meet citizenship or age requirements or if he had been previously found guilty of a crime punishable with atimia (loss of citizenship rights). In addition, any citizen could come forward at an officialâs dokimasia and require the prospective magistrate to explain and defend his past actions and way of life. For example, in the wake of the oligarchic revolution of 404/3, some citizens were rejected at their dokimasia for harboring oligarchic sympathies.20 One Mantitheus, suspected years later of complicity with the Thirty Tyrants, used his dokimasia to offer a wide-ranging defense of his character and role in Athens: âIn the case of dokimasiai, it is just to give an account of oneâs entire life.â21 Candidates rejected at their dokimasia could not serve in office but received no further penalty.
Upon completion of their duties, all magistrates were audited through the euthunai. The first phase consisted in a financial audit, with magistrates accounting for their disbursement of public funds during their time...