PART ONE
The Weight of the Past, New Beginnings, and the Construction of National Memory
Introduction
THIS SECTION ADDRESSES the impact of war and destruction on Germansâ concrete life worlds as well as their projections for the future.
Elizabeth Heineman depicts how the experiences of women at the end of the Second World War and in the postwar period were universalized and constructed into the national imagery of the new West Germany. The mass rape of German women in the East by Soviet troops was turned into a powerful image of German victimhood and served to distract attention from the multiple victims of German occupation, including those who had suffered mass extermination. The ârapeâ of Germany by the Allied forces became a common metaphor in postwar politics, even though a veil of silence, especially in the East, descended upon womenâs real experiences of violation. At the same time, the âwoman of the rubbleâ became a national icon, a symbol of devotion to reconstruction and, with their passing, a symbol of Germanyâs rising like a âphoenix from the ashes.â But the real women who had cleaned the debris faced various kinds of discrimination within the new West German state. Heineman addresses yet a third range of womenâs experiences that were used as political significations: women who engaged in relations with members of the occupation forces were charged with stabbing the German people in the back. By locating âmoral decayâ in the actions of postwar women, leading members of German society also deflected attention from the very real crimes of the Third Reich. In commenting upon the âwomen historiansâ debate,â Heineman carries her investigation of the appropriation of womenâs postwar experiences into the 1980s.
The new West German state faced multiple problems of integration, not the least of which was how returning POWs were to be woven into the fabric of West German society and politics. Frank Biess focuses on the reconstruction of masculinity by exploring the ways in which West German society dealt with returning POWs from the Soviet Union. He shows how POWsâ camp experiences were equated with those of Jewish victims of Nazi persecution and extermination. The POWs became âvictims of totalitarianism.â This move blurred differences among the POWs, particularly those between ordinary soldiers and former SS men. By turning them all into victims, who then qualified for the special amnesty for late returners, they were saved from denazification procedures and enabled to make restitution claims. âVictims of totalitarianismâ were transformed to âsurvivors of totalitarianism,â whose supposed Christian and âtimeless Germanâ values had empowered them to resist the dehumanizing experiences of the camps. According to prevailing sentiment, they came back to become breadwinner fathers and husbands, not soldiers. This represents departure from previous ideals of masculinity and, ultimately, a far more successful mode of integration than that pursued by the Weimar Republic after World War I.
Elizabeth Heineman portrays the universalization of womenâs experiences for West Germansâ self-definition in the 1950s, and Frank Biess elaborates on the multiple uses of POWs from the Soviet Union for the (re-)constructing of West German masculinity and citizenship. Robert G. Moeller shows how West Germany anchored its sense of achievement in the ways in which it dealt with the victims of war and destructionâthe German victims. Moeller starts with Adornoâs critique of Germansâ failure to âcome to termsâ with the Nazi past and shows that remembering selectively is not equivalent to forgetting. In fact, Germans remembered a great deal: they remembered the war crimes committed on the Eastern frontâthat is, the crimes committed against Germans. These memories played a pivotal role in West Germansâ self-definition. Implicitly as well as explicitly, the fate of expellees and POWs in Soviet captivity was weighed againstâindeed, made equivalent toâthe destiny of Jewish victims of the Holocaust. All sorts of organizations documented in fine detail the expulsion of Germans from East Central Europe. Numerous individuals wrote biographies and memoirs depicting the frightful experiences of the German expellees. The laments of the expellees and their advocates were heard and, accordingly, had a large impact on West German politics. In contrast, the victims of German atrocities and extermination policies were not given a voice during the 1950s. While Jewish victims remained for the most part objectsâof reconciliation policies and restitution paymentsâhomosexuals, Jehovahâs witnesses, Sinti and Roma, or foreign laborers who had been forced to work in Germany went completely unacknowledged. Only much later were survivors of the Holocaust and other victims of German occupation granted a hearing by a broader public and by politiciansâa development that occupies us right to the present with the question of restitution for foreign laborers and the involvement of renowned domestic as well as foreign banks in hoarding Nazi gold.
Dorothee Wierling shows how the experiences of living through the Third Reich and the Second World War deeply shaped the founding generation of East and West Germany but played out in different ways. The parents of a defeated Germany invested great hopes in their children, who were to carry their parentsâ aspirations and their projections for the future. Endowed with a âmission to happiness,â the children were supposed to make up by their sheer existence for their parentsâ sufferings during the war. But the life worlds of the children also diverged significantly after 1949, the year in which the Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic were founded. Wierling describes the similarities and differences through an investigation of the emotional and power relations within the family, especially the roles of women and men within it. She shows how Germans, possessed of a common legacy, were made into East and West Germans, who developed quite different ways of dealing with the challenges of life. While focusing on the 1950s, she carries her analysis to the different meanings of â1968.â In that tumultuous year, young West Germans ventured on a cultural revolution that, among other things, cleared the way to address the past in an unprecedented manner. Young East Germans largely kept silent in the face of the violent repression of the Prague Spring. The contrasting experiences marked the definite parting of the two German societies. When the Berlin Wall opened in 1989, Germans faced the socialization into different life worlds and, for East Germans, the loss of a future that had been advocated for forty years.
CHAPTER ONE
The Hour of the Woman
MEMORIES OF GERMANYâS âCRISIS YEARSâ AND WEST GERMAN NATIONAL IDENTITY
ELIZABETH HEINEMAN
IN A MID-1980S interview, an elderly West Berlin woman recalled a conversation whose contours would have been familiar to many in the Federal Republic.1 As the woman explained, she had once attended a talk in which a young historian had accused her and members of her generation of not having confronted the Nazi past more aggressively, starting right in 1945, at the end of the war.
I asked him, âWhen were you born?" [He replied,] â1946.â I said, âYou know, only someone who didnât experience those times can utter such nonsense.â I mean, after â45 no one thought about confronting the past. Everyone thought about getting something on the stove so they could get their children something to eat, about rebuilding, clearing away the rubble... . But this is what one is told today, and strangely enough itâs all from people who didnât live through those times.2
By now, the exchange seems commonplace. A member of the younger generation, horrified by what he knows about the Nazi era and suspicious about his eldersâ relative quiet on the subject, accuses his seniors of not having seriously confronted their past. The older German resents the younger manâs moralizing tone and his focus on the Nazi years at the expense of the traumatic period immediately following.
The older woman, however, does not simply propose a generational history. In casting her generationâs understanding of the past, she universalizes on the basis of stereotypically female experiences. âEverybodyâ was trying to get something on the stove to feed their children; âeverybodyâ was clearing away the rubble. These are references to the activities of women, yet they have come to stand for the experience of the entire wartime generationâat least, that portion that had not experienced persecution at the hands of the Nazi regime.
This chapter will explore the universalization, in West German collective memory, of aspects of the stereotypically female experience of Germany at the end of the war and during the immediate postwar years. It will further examine the effects of this universalization on West German national identity and on the status of women in the Federal Republic. In doing so, it will explore the relationship among the âcounter memoriesâ of a subordinate group, the âpublicâ and âpopularâ memories of a dominant culture, national identity, and gender.
Memories of three âmomentsâ in German womenâs history of 1943â48 were central to the development of a West German national identity. First were memories of female victimhood during the latter part of the war, which were generalized into stories of German victimhood. Second were images of womenâs efforts to rebuild a devastated landscape and people. The âwoman of the rubbleâ (TrĂŒmmerfrau), who cleaned away the rubble from Germanyâs bombed cities, lay the groundwork for the Federal Republicâs founding myth of the âphoenix rising from the ashes"âa myth that did not inquire too deeply into the origin of the ashes. Finally, there were recollections of female sexual promiscuity. With this history of sexual disorder generalized to describe a much broader moral decay, Germans found the opportunity to view the military occupationâand not the Nazi periodâas Germanyâs moral nadir.3
These three âmomentsâ told at least three different stories, and as they were transformed in memory, they continued to serve different functions. They did not describe a straightforward, uncomplicated West German national identity. Instead, they functioned within, and helped to shape, varying strands of this emerging identity. The Cold War, the economic miracle, the effort to achieve national and cultural sovereignty from the Western powers (especially the United States), and the need to explain the Federal Republicâs relationship to the Nazi past informed the development of West German national identity in complex and sometimes contradictory ways. Yet memories of womenâs experiences from 1943 to 1948 served all these facets of the emerging West German national identity.
Appropriating the female experience for the nation might seem surprising in the aftermath of a highly militarized society such as Nazi Germany. Yet a popular identification with selected aspects of womenâs experience is in some respects not surprising. First, it is worth recalling the environment in which most Germans began to think of the Nazi era, and their part in it, retrospectively. These were the âcrisis yearsâ of 1943â48, framed by the defeat at Stalingrad (which marked the beginning of Germanyâs military collapse) and the currency reform of June 1948 (which symbolized the beginning of the recovery in the Western occupation zones). During this period of prolonged crisis, Germans experienced death, dislocation, hunger, and uncertainty about the future, and womenâs role in the communityâs survival was unusually visible. In fact, these years came to be known as the âhour of the women.â4 Womenâs prominence did not signal the beginning of a new, sexually equitable order.5 It did, however, provide potent images for popular representations of the recent past.
Second, Germanyâs total defeat and the discrediting of the ideology for which the war was fought made the largely male military experience problematic. This did not serve to discredit men or their leading role in society; it did not even serve to discredit individual menâs military activities or the military as an institution. Given the prior importance of military imagery in national symbolism, however, it did create a certain representational vacuum.6 New symbols, often drawing from protot...