Part One
The sources of theology
Introduction
1 Marie-Dominique Chenu, âTheologyâ
Marie-Dominique Chenu (1895â1990) was at one time possibly the most notorious of the ressourcement scholars, variously seen as a rigorously academic Church historian and as a trouble-making âyoung Turkâ. Having joined the French Dominicans at Le Saulchoir in 1913, he studied in Rome at the Dominican âAngelicumâ university, ending with a doctorate on âContemplation in Aquinasâ supervised by none other than RĂ©ginald Garrigou-Lagrange. Garrigou-Lagrange, indeed, had wanted Chenu to stay on in Rome to teach; but Chenu was drawn back to Le Saulchoir, where he joined the teaching team, becoming Regent of Studies in 1932 â successor, as he noted, to Thomas Aquinas, who had been the Regent of Studies at the Dominican house of study in Paris.
It was as Regent that Chenu gave the annual celebratory address for the Feast of St Thomas in 1937, which became Une Ă©cole de thĂ©ologie: Le Saulchoir. Privately published by the Dominican press, only some 800 copies were printed,1 although it found its way quickly enough to Rome, where it was added to the Index of Prohibited Books in 1942 â famously, Chenu heard the news on the radio. The work should be considered to be his charter for theological education: starting with the general context, it moves first to theology and then to philosophy, in marked contrast to the neo-scholastic curriculum of the time. Chenu also fired a number of salvos at what he described as âbaroqueâ scholasticism â the scholasticism of the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century commentators, whose accretions had covered and destroyed the original work of Thomas â and he took not a little provocative pleasure in naming and praising those who had been condemned a few decades earlier as âModernistsâ.
As observed in the âNote on Translationsâ above, a key phrase in this text, and elsewhere in Chenuâs writing on theology, is le donnĂ© rĂ©vĂ©lĂ©, which I have translated variously as âthe data of revelationâ, âthe data of divine revelationâ, âdivinely revealed dataâ, or ârevealed dataâ. He took this phrase from his predecessor as Regent at Le Saulchoir, Antoine Gardeil.
2 Henri Bouillard, âConversion and grace in Aquinasâ
Henri Bouillard (1908â1981) joined the Jesuits in his twenties and was sent to Rome to complete his theological studies at the Gregorian university. His doctoral thesis, âConversion et grĂące chez S. Thomas dâAquin. Ătude historiqueâ, completed in 1940, was defended in Lyon after he had returned to France following the outbreak of war. In 1944 it was published as the first in the new âThĂ©ologieâ series sponsored and edited by the Lyon Jesuits, and the resulting backlash may be followed in the articles by Labourdette, Garrigou-Lagrange, and Labourdette and Nicolas in Part Two of this book.
It is fair to say that Conversion et grĂące dealt a veritable body blow to the certainties of neo-scholastic thought. The latter took what Bouillard described as the âmanualistâ position â the study of theological statements, discussed in a scholastic manner â and entirely rejected a historical or developmental approach. Theology, particularly the writings of St Thomas, was seen as a monolithic, unchanging structure. Bouillardâs painstaking historical analysis of Aquinasâs position on grace and how it leads first to the conversion of the human person to God, and ultimately to their justification, blew this unchanging monolith out of the water. If his analysis were correct, Thomasâs position had changed significantly between his Commentary on the Sentences and the Summa theologiae, particularly following his discovery of the semi-Pelagian controversy while he was writing the Summa Contra Gentiles. Bouillard insisted that Thomasâs works needed to be read in chronological order, located in the context of Aquinasâs life, and with an awareness of the intellectual context in which he was working.
By 1946 Bouillardâs position would be battered by two of the French Dominican neo-Thomist heavyweights, Garrigou-Lagrange and Labourdette. First, the emphasis on âcontextâ appeared to them to be, in Garrigouâs words, a âreturn to Modernismâ, not to mention to whiff of relativism. Second, Bouillard was relatively critical of Aquinasâs use of Aristotle, suggesting this was something of a novelty. Finally, they were deeply concerned that Bouillardâs description of grace removed its gratuitous nature and forced God into making this gift.
3 Jean-Marie Le Blond, âThe analogy of truthâ
Unlike his Jesuit confreres whose work also appears in this book, Jean-Marie Le Blond SJ (1899â1973) was neither a theologian nor an academic. The philosopher, whose 1936 Paris thesis, Logique et mĂ©thode chez Aristote (âLogic and method in Aristotleâ), was published in 1939, at the same time as a shorter work, La definition chez Aristote (âDefinition in Aristotleâ), had taught at the Gregorian university and by 1947 was teaching philosophy at the Jesuit collĂšge of MongrĂ©. Much of his lifeâs work was dedicated to producing translations and commentaries of Aristotleâs works (Physics and Treaty on the parts of animals), although he also published on St Augustine and the knowledge of God.
With its critique of Aquinasâs ânovelâ introduction of Aristotelian categories into Christian theology, Bouillardâs Conversion et grĂące chez St Thomas dâAquin was clearly attractive and interesting to Le Blond, who penned a discreet rebuttal of Labourdetteâs attack on Bouillard. Bouillard is not named in the article; rather, Le Blond takes Conversion et grĂące as his starting point for a discussion on the appropriateness of Aristotelian philosophy as the basis for twentieth-century theology. In particular, he moved the discussion away from the anaologia entis, or âanalogy of beingâ, insisting that the concept of analogy should be extended to all the âTranscendentalsâ, including Truth. The suggestion that human truths â including those taught by the Church about God â might only be analogous and imperfect, acted, entirely predictably, like a red rag to a bull, and Le Blondâs article was in turn lambasted by Labourdette and Nicolas the following year. Le Blondâs article was also one of those removed from library shelves in 1950 at the orders of the Jesuit General, Jean-Baptiste Janssens, following the publication of Humani Generis.
4 Henri de Lubac, âSupernatural and superaddedâ
Henri de Lubac (1895â1990) is perhaps the best known ressourcement theologian in the English-speaking world. A significant proportion of his prodigious output has been translated and is readily available. Surnaturel. Ătudes historiques, his third book, remains one of the few exceptions never translated into English â perhaps because it was felt to be so obviously in the sights of Humani Generis and also because the later MystĂšre du Surnaturel was itself translated.
Like both Catholicisme (1937) and Corpus Mysticum (1944), the ideas in Surnaturel had been on de Lubacâs mind since his student days. The book had its roots in articles published in Recherches de Science Religieuse in the early 1930s. Like Corpus Mysticum, much of the manuscript was completed in the extraordinary circumstances of the German invasion and occupation of France during the Second World War, Corpus Mysticum during the initial phase of German invasion, Surnaturel in 1943â4 when de Lubac was in hiding and in fear of his life due to his activities in the Resistance. And like the earlier titles with which it shares the Ă©tude historique epithet, Surnaturel drew on de Lubacâs extensive and profound reading of the Greek and Latin Fathers of the Church.
At the heart of the book, de Lubac was dealing with a knotty problem at the centre of the debate between neo-Thomism and ressourcement theology: Can there be such a thing as âpure natureâ? As de Lubac demonstrated, the concept of âpure natureâ â a nature entirely separated from and denuded of divine grace or âsupernatureâ â was one which would have been completely alien to Thomas himself and to his scholastic contemporaries and successors. On the contrary, it was a device invented by commentators in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries to enable hypothetical debate about grace/supernature. Could God, they wondered, have created a purely ânaturalâ humanity without access to the âsupernaturalâ divine gift of sanctifying grace?
De Lubac took the question a step further. Underpinning both the patristic and scholastic teaching on grace is the concept of the desiderium naturale, the desire, natural to all human beings, for the beatific vision which ultimately leads us to God. However, neo-Thomism insisted on a separation of nature and supernature, with the result that in this anthropology the desiderium naturale was no longer innate but must come about as the gratuitous divine gift of grace: âsupernatureâ or, as he refers to it, âsuper-addedâ.
5 Jean DaniĂ©lou, âCurrent trends in religious thoughtâ
Ătudes, founded in 1856, was the âhouse journalâ of the French Jesuits. Originally focused on theology and philosophy, the journal expanded its reach to include art, literature and other aspects of culture, particularly with regard to their interaction with theology and philosophy. DaniĂ©louâs article, with its sharp critique of the âruptureâ between theology and real life, was itself the cause of a huge rupture in French academic theology in the 1940s, between those who, like DaniĂ©lou, argued that theologians and the Church had an obligation to try to meld theology to the reality of daily life in the twentieth century and those who, like Labourdette, Garrigou-Lagrange and other neo-Thomists, insisted that the natural and supernatural â heaven and earth â should be strictly separated in theology and in the life of faith. In reality, of course, the argument had been brewing for a number of years, with Chenuâs blistering attacks on the neo-scholastic methodology in âTheologyâ only the tip of the iceberg. The âhistorical studiesâ published by de Lubac and Bouillard were further grist to the mill, and DaniĂ©louâs approving comments about Modernism, Marxism, existentialism, the Formgeschichte school of biblical studies, Kierkegaard and other proscribed ideas seem deliberately provocative.
6 Anon. âResponse to âThe sources of theologyââ
DaniĂ©louâs article and Bouillardâs book were apparently the triggers for the virulent attacks by Garrigou-Lagrange, Labourdette and Nicolas which may be found in Part Two of this book. Labourdetteâs article, âLes sources de la thĂ©ologieâ, was taken personally by the FourviĂšre Jesuits he had in his sights. The âresponseâ penned by de Lubac, Bouillard and DaniĂ©lou, in which de Lubac let rip the sarcasm for which he was well known, lacerated Labourdette. They pointed out that he was calling into question not only their own orthodoxy but also that of their Religious superiors and censors, without whose permission and approval they were unable to publish. In the climate of the late 1940s, the political differences between Toulouse and FourviĂšre were still raw, which only added to the violent language on both sides. Crucially, however, de Lubac records that Fr Nicolas, Provincial of the Toulouse Dominicans, visited FourviĂšre in late 1947 when the troubled waters were smoothed over.2