Turkey and the EU: Accession and Reform

Gamze Avci,Ali Çarko?lu

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2020
• ISBN:
  9781135734633
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: Politics
• Index: Politics & International Relations

Turkish accession to the European Union is an important but controversial item on the agenda of the European Union. By focusing on the various domestic sources that drive Turkish politics, this comprehensive study of both classic and new topics supported by fresh, new insights fills a void in the current literature on Turkey-EU relations.

This volume is a comprehensive, state of the art study of domestic politics and policies and their role in Turkey's EU accession. Contributions are obtained from established scholars, acknowledged for their expertise in their respective fields. The content is structured along issues, dynamics, actors and policies that drive Turkish politics and it provides an integrated assessment of the dynamics in Turkey-EU relations to general readers, students and specialists in EU Enlargement and Turkish politics alike.

Original contributions to 'classic' topics such as the customs union, human rights, military, civil society, public and elite opinion, political parties and the Kurdish issue are made by assessing the domestic sources of recent developments during the negotiations period. In addition, 'new' topics are included that previously have not been covered or analyzed in volumes on Turkish-EU relations such as the Alevi issue, European Turks, corruption in Turkey, and Turkish parliamentary elite opinion on Turkey and the EU.

This book was published as a special issue of South European Society and Politics.

INTRODUCTION

Taking Stock of the Dynamics that Shape EU Reforms in Turkey

Gamze Avci and Ali Çarkoğlu

The aim of this introductory article is to present the objectives, contents and main findings of the special issue on 'transformative power' of the European Union (EU) in Turkey. We discuss how this publication differs in its approach to Turkish-EU relations. Finally, we examine and connect the key findings of the individual articles, with the purpose of illustrating the logic and pace of (EU-related) domestic reforms in Turkey.

Reform has been on the political agenda of modern Turkey since the concluding phase of the Ottoman Empire (Davison 1963; Hanioğlu 2008; Moreau 2010). Similarly, throughout its Republican history, Turkey consistently looked towards the West, and in particular Europe, in search of political and economic models. One might expect that this European orientation would result in a smooth accession to the European Union (EU). But the relationship with the EU, which started formally as early as the 1963 Ankara Agreement, has had various ups and downs (Müftüler-Baç 1997; Öniş 2000; Uğur 1999).

Turkey's pursuit of EU membership took a major turn in December 1999, when the Helsinki Council recognised Turkey as an EU candidate country. This belated development gained pace in 2001 when the then outgoing three-party coalition led by Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit of the Democratic Left Party (Demokratik Sol Parti, DSP) pushed through wide-ranging reforms. The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP), a conservative party with religious roots, replaced the broad-based coalition in 2002, and as of early 2011, moving towards its third general election in June 2011, remains, at least on paper, committed to EU membership and the necessary reforms. At the same time, it appears that the reforms are not complete and that there are particular problems in many areas of reform and their implementation.

Today, more than a decade after the decision to recognise Turkey as a candidate, the conditions for accession together with pressures for further adaptation and policy convergence prompt s to study what the impact of the EU and required reforms has been on domestic change in Turkey¹ Therefore, the central question we raise in this special issue is: 'What is the "transformative power" of the EU in Turkey?'² Related to this, we inquire, 'How and why do differences remain between the two sides?' Furthermore, we investigate what explains the limitations or the absence of EU influence. Hence, the contributions to this volume discuss and question the impact— or lack thereof—of the EU in various issue areas by providing empirical perspectives on domestic politics and institutions, government and administration, public policies, political actors and interest groups, as well as the relevant international and global context. We isolate and distinguish the domestic bases of reform, rather than focusing exclusively on the impact of foreign policy developments and/or presenting a compilation of developments in political, security and socio-economic realms as has been typically done in recent EU-Turkey studies (Ankan 2006; Arvanitopoulos 2009; Çakir 2010; Joseph 2007; LaGro & Jorgensen 2007; Lake 2005).

The Turkish case is a critical one for researchers in EU studies. Although it exhibits similarities with other EU member states, it also presents unique challenges for the EU accession process. As a rule, the latter has numerous 'mechanisms' such as financial aid and technical advice that effect change and transformation in candidate countries. By and large, there are also intervening variables in the transformation process, such as the asymmetry of the relationship with the EU and the uncertainty of the accession process (see Dimitrova in this volume). However, in the Turkish case there are added factors that limit the EU's role. First of all, on the Turkish side, there is a perceived weakness of EU commitment towards Turkey's membership. Second, and linked to the EU's lack of commitment, which is based on weak popular support within the EU for Turkish membership, Turkish public support for EU membership is declining (McLaren 2007; Çarkoğlu & Kentmen in this volume). As a consequence of both, the EU's leverage and conditionality mechanisms are not working to their full potential. Third, there is little congruence between broad party ideologies and EU-related positions (see Avci & Celep in this volume). Fourth and finally, there are historical forces that work against a smooth EU candidacy (Deringil 2007). Altogether, these constraints make the EU a more complex political resource than it has been with other candidate countries.

Objectives

Our aim in this volume is to describe, analyse and explain the larger social, economic and political dynamics that shape the incentives and preferences of relevant domestic actors and groups that either support or oppose the EU accession process. For that reason, the argumentation, activities and support bases of these various groups and actors are mapped out. An important consideration in the articles is why, in different issue areas, we see different levels of success in meeting required EU standards, in surpassing thresholds of policy harmonisation and in plainly cooperating with European counterparts. In those cases where there is more of a mixed picture, where success and failure alternate, the articles investigate which domestic actors have been more influential. In which specific sectors are domestic players more successful or influential in the adjustment to EU standards? How do we account for differences across specific sectors and policy areas and how do they differ in terms of the relevant political actors?

By doing this, we aim to provide an m-depth analysis of the role of the EU and other actors in the changes that have taken place in Turkey in the last decade. The literature on candidate country Europeanisation—i.e. the impact of the EU on domestic politics and policies—has developed primarily in the context of the EU's eastern enlargement (for a discussion of Europeanisation in new member and candidate states, see Sedelmeier 2006). We believe that our comprehensive analysis of domestic actors, issues and dynamics in Turkey-EU relations is not only of relevance for scholars of Turkish politics but also for scholars working on Europeanisation and comparative aspects of European integration. Ultimately, however, we hope that this study will provide impetus for more in-depth studies on Turkey and the EU.

Structure

Following a broader political and economic contextualisation of EU-Turkish relations, the articles are grouped into six areas: (1) introduction, (2) political change through EU reform, (3) the case of human rights and minorities, (4) mass public opinion, elites and civil society, (5) political parties and (6) the European response.

The introductory section of the volume covers a broad contextualisation of EU-Turkey relations. For that reason, the Turkish case is first positioned within the larger EU enlargement experience. Next, an economic evaluation of Turkey's customs union agreement with the EU is presented, which is followed by an evaluation of the United States (US) 'anchor' as a supporting factor in shaping EU-Turkey relations. The ensuing analyses in the subsequent section primarily focus on the phenomenon of 'change' in Turkish politics at large which is attributable to EU reforms. Therefore, authors in this section focus on political regime change via constitutional amendments and on corruption as an impediment to further reform in especially the economic arena. Furthermore, attention is paid to the control of the military by civilian authorities and to domestic sources of foreign policy shifts that lead to a divergence or convergence between Turkish and European foreign policy trends. In the third section of the special issue, a closer look is then directed towards developments and change in the human rights area in general as well as more specifically in ethnic and sectarian minority issues.

Then, authors in the fourth section focus on foundations of support and resistance to change associated with EU reforms. Following a closer inspection of mass public opinion trends in support of EU membership for Turkey, the nature of civil society is explored and the approach of parliamentary elites towards EU-Turkey relations are investigated. Subsequently, in the fifth section, detailed analyses are presented of major political parties as key actors that shape Turkey's relations with the EU.

The final section focuses on European responses to developments on the Turkish side and in relations between the EU and Turkey. It begins with a closer inspection of the rhetoric adopted in the European media towards Turkey's EU membership and continues with an article focusing on the bureaucratic elites of the European Commission. The section continues with a broader examination of European public and elite opinion on Turkey's protracted bid for membership, and concludes with an analysis of the case of Euro-Turks as a source of support or reluctance in Europe towards Turkish membership.

Contexts and Challenges

Although the Turkish candidacy is, among the remaining candidates, the oldest case, one may draw on other enlargement experiences such as that of the Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). Therefore, the volume starts with an article by Antoaneta Dimitrova which discusses post-communist processes of transformation and Europeanisation of the CEECs. Dimitrova's discussion establishes a valuable framework for comparison on the basis of the CEEC enlargement experience and concludes with a discussion of parallels with and differences from Turkey's accession negotiations. She highlights the mechanisms that have driven reform in other candidate countries and investigates whether the same conditions and mechanisms work for Turkey. Furthermore, Dimitrova provides a framework of analysis by drawing attention to the role of key concepts of 'credibility of conditionality' and 'asymmetry in relations' between the EU and candidate countries. As for the CEECs, both of these concepts emerge as being critical to the Turkish case.

In the economic realm, where integration with the EU started much earlier when Turkey entered into the Customs Union (CU) on 1 January 1996, the question is whether this has benefited Turkey Kamil Yilmaz's contribution focuses on and evaluates the CU experiences and how it affects further integration with the EU. Yilmaz points to the mixed results in the different fields of manufacturing, competition policy and trade, and argues that, especially given the EU's 2006 change of trade strategy in favour of free trade agreements (FTAs), it would have tieen better for Turkey to have signed an FTA with the EU.

Sabri Sayan tackles the rather peculiar transatlantic connection in Turkey-EU relations. The author argues that since Turkey gained formal membership status in 1999 and Ankara began negotiations with Brussels in 2005 the tension between the US and its European allies over Turkish membership has somewhat lessened. Nevertheless, he observes that the differences between the US and European perspectives on Turkey's European integration have continued to pose a challenge to strengthening cooperation and solidarity in transatlantic ties.

Domestic Politics and Uneven Patterns in EU Reforms

EU accession dynamics and enlargement policy are considered effective (albeit limited) tools for démocratisation in candidate countries (Pridham 2005). Ersin Kalaycioglu describes the established roots and characteristics of the current democratic regime in Turkey and analyses whether and how the EU has impacted on the démocratisation of the political regime in Turkey. His study draws attention to the power struggles between the ruling AKP and other political actors in the post-2002 period, and how these have influenced the discussion around reform in different periods. Critical in Kalaycioglu's argument is that constitutional reforms in Turkey have a long-term domestic agenda that is independent of the push and pull factors emanating from the EU.

Turkey's foreign policy presents a paradox for Turkey's relations with the EU. As Turkey continues to negotiate accession to the EU, the country's foreign policy orientation—in particular its proactive engagement in the neighbouring region—is being increasingly questioned. In this context, Meltem Müftüler Baç investigates whether and how Turkish foreign policy has changed in recent years, specifically relating it to the EU accession process and uncovering the main dynamics behind these changes. Her main finding is that the domestic changes in Turkey have led to a reshuffling of foreign policy objectives and placed a renewed emphasis on improving relations with the country's non-EU neighbours. In other words, what emerges is that EU reforms and 'Europeanisation' have possibly contributed to more versatile and independent foreign policy choices in Turkey

One of the key areas of democratisation reform in Turkey concerns the role and mission of the military. Although the military has traditionally looked 'west', the EU has been keen on reducing the military's role in Turkey. Yaprak Gürsoy looks at how EU-related reforms have impacted on the balance of civil-military relations and the role of the military in politics. She concludes that the reforms have affected the political autonomy of the military but appear to be insufficient to reduce it to a secondary player in Turkish politics, subordinate to civilian control, especially in the areas of coordination of the defence sector and intelligence.

The final article in this section elaborates on the question of whether or not the current level of corruption in Turkey constitutes a major drawback for EU membership. Fikret Adaman argues that a full-scale anti-corruption strategy should include not only policing-type regulations and improved institutional structures, but also systemic reforms to deal with patron-client networking and informality.

EU Credibility and Reforms in Human Rights

Turkey's human rights record, in particular in the field of minorities, has been highly politicised in the Turkey—EU debate. Against this background, William Hale attempts to explain the relative strength of external and internal factors in aiding or impeding the extension of civil liberties in Turkey. His analysis of the historical record of Turkish-EU relations since 2001 shows that, although the Copenhagen criteria provided a powerful boost, it is difficult to establish a 'neat' linkage between the Turkey-EU relationship and human rights improvements in Turkey Hale also underlines that the moment the credibility of the EU commitment to Turkey's full membership declined, the human rights improvements appeared to stop. The recent move by the AKP government for further democratisation in the field of ethnic and sectarian minority rights appears to be primarily motivated by domestic policy concerns rather than EU pressures.

William Hale's findings are further strengthened by the articles on the Kurdish question and the Alevi issue. Kemal Kirişçi questions why the reforms induced by the EU have failed to resolve the Kurdish question in Turkey He argues that the EU's decision to grant Turkey a prospect of membership helped to empower the liberal approach to the Kurdish question. Yet, he also finds that the EU, at least partly, bears responsibility for the failure of the Kurdish 'opening' and the resolution of the Kurdish problem in Turkey. Ali Çarkoğlu and Nazli Çağin Bilgili's analysis of the Alevi minority similarly demonstrat...