This is a comprehensive new operational military history of the Ottoman army during the First World War. Drawing from archives, official military histories, personal war narratives and sizable Turkish secondary literature, it tells the incredible story of the Ottoman army's struggle from the mountains of the Caucasus to the deserts of Arabia and the bloody shores of Gallipoli. The Ottoman army, by opening new fronts, diverted and kept sizeable units of British, Russian and French forces away from the main theatres and even sent reinforcements to Austro-Hungary and Bulgaria. Against all odds the Ottoman army ultimately achieved some striking successes, not only on the battlefield, but in their total mobilization of the empire's meagre human and economic resources. However, even by the terrible standards of the First World War, these achievements came at a terrible price in casualties and, ultimately, loss of territory. Thus, instead of improving the integrity and security of the empire, the war effectively dismantled it and created situations and problems hitherto undreamed of by a besieged Ottoman leadership. In a unique account, Uyar revises our understanding of the war in the Middle East.
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When the Ottoman reformers â known by Europeans at that time as the âYoung Turksâ1 â forced Sultan AbdĂŒlhamid II to restore the constitution and reopen Parliament on 24 July 1908 or face a relentless campaign of military mutinies and unrest, Ottoman intellectuals and the general public believed they were witnessing the beginning of a new age of peace and prosperity.2 They were to be disappointed. The great powers of Europe and the countries that bordered the vast Ottoman Empire were not swept by the same optimism, regarding these developments as marking the prime time to advance their territorial and political aims, lest a reinvigorated Ottoman government pose a threat to their colonial empires.3 Writing at the time, British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey observed that,
1For the history of the late Ottoman reform movements see ĆĂŒkrĂŒ HanioÄlu, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902â1908, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2001; Feroz Ahmad, The Young Turks: The Committee of Union and Progress in Turkish Politics 1908â14, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1969; Ernest E. Ramsaur, The Young Turks: Prelude to the Revolution of 1908, Khayats, Beirut, 1965.
2HanioÄlu, Preparation for a Revolution, pp. 273â278.
3Joseph Heller, British Policy Towards the Ottoman Empire, Frank Cass, London, 1983, pp. 9â16, 19â22, 29; L. Bruce Fulton, âFrance and the End of the Ottoman Empireâ, in (ed.) Marian Kent, The Great Powers and the End of the Ottoman Empire, Frank Cass, London, 1983, pp. 141, 156â159, 166; R.J.B. Bosworth, âItaly and the End of the Ottoman Empireâ, in (ed.) Marian Kent, The Great Powers and the End of the Ottoman Empire, pp. 57â60; C. Jay Smith Jr., The Russian Struggle for Power 1914â1917: A Study of Russian Foreign Policy during the First World War, 2nd printing, Greenwood Press, New York, 1969, pp. 63â64.
if Turkey really establishes a constitution, and keeps it on its feet, and becomes strong herself, the consequences will reach further than any of us can yet foresee. The effects in Egypt will be tremendous and will itself be felt in IndiaâŠ. If there is a Turkish Constitution in good working order and things are going well in Turkey, and we are engaged in suppressing by force and shooting a rising in Egypt of people who demand a constitution too, the position will be very awkward.4
4Dispatch from Sir Edward Grey to Sir Gerard Lowther (British ambassador in Constantinople), 31 July 1908. G.P. Gooch and H. Temperley (eds.), British Documents on the Origins of the War 1898â1914, vol. 5, His Majestyâs Stationery Office (HMSO), London, 1928, [hereafter, British Documents], p. 2.
Figure 1.1Ottoman officers proudly showing their armlets as a support to the constitution.
The search for a new era of peace and prosperity was not confined to Turkey, with the autonomous princedom of Bulgaria proclaiming independence on 5 October.5 However, the Austro-Hungarian Empire moved to curtail this spirit of independence, annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina on 6 October, thus formalising a supervisory role over the two provinces of the Ottoman Empire that had lasted almost 30 years.6 On 17 October, the island of Crete also appeared to dampen the flames of independence within its citizenry with its proclamation of union with Greece.7
5Hasan Ănal, âOttoman Policy During the Bulgarian Independence Crisis, 1908â9: Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria at the Outset of the Young Turk Revolutionâ, Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 34, no. 4, October 1998, pp. 140â150.
6Bernadotte E. Schmitt, The Annexation of Bosnia, 1908â1909, England University Press, Cambridge, 1937, pp. 35â47.
7Theodore P. Ion, âThe Cretan Questionâ, The American Journal of International Law, vol. 4, no. 2, April 1910, pp. 278â284. The Ottoman attempts to gain the support of the Great Powers and some Balkan states failed miserably. See Ănal, âOttoman Policyâ, pp. 150â156, 162â167.
Within the Ottoman Empire, the French constitutional formula of liberty, equality and fraternity inspired the populace into several months of joyful mass demonstrations and public speeches of goodwill which presented colourful stories for digestion by the Western newspapers. Ultimately, however, the so-called grand revolution of the constitution served only to enlarge the fault lines and fractures between different ethnic, communal and religious groups inherent in such a vast empire.8 When the pace of progress did not meet inflated expectations, political radicalism and frustration took hold, exacerbating many of the existing problems of the empire.9
8âTurkey: Joyful Demonstrationsâ, The Scotsman, 28 July 1908, p. 7; âNew Year in Turkey: Remarkable Outburst of Pro-British Feelingâ, The Manchester Guardian, 28 July 1908, p. 7.
9G.F. Abbott, Turkey in Transition, Edward Arnold, London, 1909, pp. 77â103, 177â199.
10HanioÄlu, Preparation for a Revolution, pp. 279â284; M. Naim Turfan, Rise of the Young Turks: Politics, the Military and Ottoman Collapse, I.B. Tauris, London, 2000, pp. 146â151; Handan Nezir AkmeĆe, The Birth of Modern Turkey: The Ottoman Military and the March to World War I, I.B. Tauris, London, 2005, pp. 57â60, 87â89.
The first serious unrest occurred on 13 April 1909 (better known as 31 March Incident due to the old Rumi calendar date) with a mutiny staged by several disgruntled military units. The 3rd and 4th Light Infantry (avcı) battalions, brought from Macedonia to İstanbul to protect the new regime, now mutinied against it, their ranks bolstered by the 2nd Battalion which joined the revolt later in the day.11 The mutiny took the government by surprise, the mutineers facing no more than token resistance from the local gendarmerie. Their success encouraged other dissidents, chief among them theology students (suhte) and recently purged rankers (alaylı). The soldiers opposed the imposition of wide-ranging military reforms and resented the growing political power of the academically trained young officers (mektebli). The rallying cry of the mutineers was the re-establishment of Islamic law (Sharia). They vowed loyalty to the sultan and lobbied for the government to be dismissed. The reigning partyâs ineffectual and feeble response provided further encouragement,12 and some of the provincial garrisons in Anatolia also joined the uprising.13 Mobs attacked Armenians in Adana and the Cilicia region, sparking bloody inter-communal fighting.14
11The avcı battalions were founded following the Macedonian revolt of Ilinden in 1903 to conduct counter-insurgency operations. All members of the battalions were specially selected based on their physical and mental capability and their loyalty to the regime. As counter-insurgency troops, they achieved remarkable results in a very short time, but also became a refuge for military opposition to the AbdĂŒlhamid regime. Not surprisingly, they played a crucial role during the constitution mutinies. See Kazım Karabekir, İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti 1896â1909, TĂŒrdav Ofset, İstanbul, 1982, pp. 202, 448â449; Mustafa Turan, TaĆkıĆlaâda 31 Mart, Aykurt NeĆriyat, İstanbul, 1964, pp. 59â68.
12Dispatch from Sir Gerard Lowther to Sir Edward Grey, 20 April 1909, British Documents, vol. 5, pp. 313â318; Victor R. Swenson, âThe Military Rising in Istanbul 1909â, Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 5, no. 4, 1970, pp. 172â180; David Farhi, âThe Ćeriat as a Political Slogan: Or the Incident of the 31st Martâ, Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 7, no. 3, October 1971, pp. 275â277, 280â289; Karabekir, İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti, pp. 425â444; W.M. Ramsay, The Revolution in Constantinople and Turkey: A Diary, Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1909, pp. 60â61, 106â112; Abbott, Turkey in Transition, pp. 200â210; Celal Bayar, Ben de Yazdım: Milli MĂŒcadeleâye GidiĆ, vol. 1, Baha Matbaası, İstanbul, 1965, pp. 141â154, 164â166.
13Ziya Yergök, Harbiyeâden Dersimâe, (ed.) Sami Ănal, Remzi Kitabevi, İstanbul, 2006, pp. 210â222; Behiç Erkin, Hatırat 1876â1958, (ed.) Ali Birinci, TĂŒrk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara, 2010, pp. 86â87; Bayar, Ben de Yazdım, vol. 1, pp. 159â163.
14Meltem Toksöz, âAdana Ermenileri ve 1909 İÄtiĆaĆıâ, in İmparatorluÄun ĂökĂŒĆ Döneminde Osmanlı Ermenileri: Bilimsel Sorumluluk ve Demokrasi Sorunları, Bilgi Ăniversitesi Yayınları, İstanbul, 2011, pp. 155â161; YĂŒcel GĂŒĂ§lĂŒ, Armenians and the Allies in Cilicia 1914â1923, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 2010, pp. 40â49; Bedross Der Matossian, âFrom Bloodless Revolution to Bloody Counterrevolution: The Massacres of 1909â, Genocide Studies and Prevention, vol. 6, no. 2, Summer 2011, pp. 156â164.
Figure 1.2 Soldiers of the Army of Action positioning a Maxim MG99 gun on the Galata Bridge during the 31 March Incident.
The CUP leadership reacted decisively to the unrest by mobilising loyal military units in Macedonia. The âArmy of Actionâ (Hareket Ordusu), which consisted of two reserve divisions and hordes of volunteers (ranging from Macedonian revolutionaries to Albanian bandits), suppressed the counter-revolutionary uprising in İstanbul on 24 April, then moved to the provinces to quash any overt expressions of dissent.15
15Swenson, âThe Military Rising in Istanbulâ, pp. 180â183; Farhi, âThe Ćeriat as a Political Sloganâ, pp. 289â291; Karabekir, İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti, pp. 444â463; Ramsay, The Revolution in Constantinople, pp. 136, 138, 174â175, 206â208; Abbott, Turkey in Transition, pp. 211â277; Bayar, Ben de Yazdım, vol. 1, pp. 204â264; Celal Bayar, Ben de Yazdım: Milli MĂŒcadeleâye GidiĆ, vol. 2, Baha Matbaası, İstanbul, 1966, pp. 329â346, 359â363; Zekeriya TĂŒrkmen, Harekat Ordusu ve Kurmay YĂŒzbaĆı Mustafa Kemal, Genelkurmay Basımevi, Ankara, 1999, pp. 9â44.
The decisive response to the uprisings energised and to a certain extent radicalised the CUP leadership, particularly the young offi...