The sense of this principle is that in the mind, as in physical nature about us, nothing happens by chance, or in a random way. Each psychic event is determined by the ones that precede it. Events in our mental lives that may seem to be random and unrelated to what went on before are only apparently so. In fact, mental phenomena are no more capable of such a lack of causal connection with what preceded them than are physical ones.
(p. 2)
Despite the materialist and deterministic tone of Freudâs work, Basch (1978) argues that the strictly causal lines along which Freudâs notion of psychic determinism has often been interpreted is a misreading, and that Freud did in fact knowingly seek to allow for some question of intentionality:
Motivation, purposiveness and goal-directedness are terms that have often been, and still are in many quarters, looked at askance. They suggest that there is an ephemeral cause that beckons from afar and guides behaviour according to some design of its own. Freud was aware of this danger and tried to avoid it by refusing to entertain any notion of purpose or plan that went beyond causality rooted in the findings of physics or chemistry. Freudâs models for goal directed action were energy conversion apparatuses analogous to then recently invented machines like the electric lamp, the telegraph and the telephoneâŚ. A lamp or telephone cannot be said to have a goal; it is the user who has a purpose in mind when he turns it on. For this reason Freudâs attempt to design a mental apparatus along the lines of the physics of his day proved to be unsatisfactory. He had to introduce purpose into the simple reflex construct he designed by postulating unobservable homunculiâŚlike the unconscious, the instincts, the ego, etc., each having its own aim and struggling for power. The very teleology that Freud sought to avoid by adhering to the thermodynamic laws of natural science was introduced into psychoanalysis byâŚhis explanatory models.
(p. 260)
Rather than looking to ascertain how a certain thing came about, the teleological perspective is concerned with goal directedness. Any psychological approach that endorses a basic human tendency toward healing, wholeness, or health can be considered teleological in outlook. Such notions are essential if symptoms are to be respected as having a potential value. Notwithstanding American ego psychologyâs penchant for pathologizing and authoritarianism, the history of psychoanalysis is in fact rife with teleological concepts. A few examples would include:
- Adlerâs (1938) emphasis on the source of human motivation lying in the future rather than the past
- Rankâs (1936) focus on creativity
- Jungâs (1947) psychology of individuation as reflected in the prospective function of the psyche in its movement toward wholeness
- Bionâs (1965) notion of a truth drive
- Winnicottâs (1971) concept of a true self realized in play and expressive of an inherent tendency toward growth
- Kohutâs (1977) self-psychological outlook as reflected in the spontaneously felt need for selfobject experiences
- Loewaldâs (1980) thinking on sublimation
- Bollasâs (2018) notions of personal idiom and destiny drive
Significantly, these ideas tend to moderate the relational emphasis on context and make room for some question of individual purposiveness.
Conceptualizing trauma
Any sense that mental illness might be considered purposive tends to imply what might loosely be termed a spiritual orientation toward practice. This naturally rubs up against conventional psychiatric assumption. In so far as spiritual issues are occasionally tolerated within mainstream thinking on psychosis, this is typically framed in terms of how religious or spiritual beliefs might be considered supportive of a patientâs well-being (Phillips & Stein, 2007). While there is no doubt value in this approach, a polite engagement of this kind still tends to neglect the more fundamental sense in which the clinicianâs own spiritual commitments impact treatment. These commitments unavoidably emerge in theorizing about the nature and treatment of madness.
In the extent to which psychological attitudes toward psychosis have come to rely on the empirically verifiable role of trauma (Read, van Os, Morrison, & Ross, 2005), the fashion in which trauma theory is incorporated into clinical theorizing is of central importance. A teleological outlook on trauma tends to get neglected wherever our thinking leans too heavily on normative ideas about human development. Developmental approaches often emphasize a perceived deficit in the patientâs early experience leading to modes of functioning that are considered less than optimal. From this perspective, disruptions to good caregiving can be understood as the crux of intergenerational trauma. A few examples:
- Fraiberg, Adelson, and Shapiro (1975) perceive that recovery from the cycle of traumatization is dependent on the child of a traumatized parent refusing to identify with the aggressor. Where such an identification occurs, affect is thought to be split off in the child, only to return as a distortion in subsequent parenting skills.
- Drawing from Sternâs (1997) developmental theory, Adelman (1995, p. 363) conceptualizes transmission in terms of a disruption to the organization of the verbal self. For Adelman, trauma is transmitted by way of the relationship between a parentâs capacity to modulate their childâs affect and the childâs resultant capacity to verbalize.
- Bradfield (2011) is explicit when he conceptualizes the attachment relationship as the âlocationâ of the childâs traumatic experience. The childâs need for containment is thought to elicit fear or rage in the traumatized parent, thus disturbing the attachment bond.
Whether considered in terms of split-off affect, unsymbolized experience, or attachment bonds, the belief subtending these theories is that the interpersonal transmission of trauma is fundamentally concerned with a deficit in the experience of early relationships. It is thus proposed that these deficits might subsequently be ameliorated in the work of therapy. Where there is a focus on trauma as causative of psychological deficits, however, and trauma is treated as the foundation of psychosis, there is a clear risk of conceptualizing psychotic experience merely in terms of an environmental shortfall.
Davoine and Gaudillière (2004) have developed a noteworthy clinical approach that seeks to avoid inadvertently infantilizing their patients. In History Beyond Trauma, they offer an unconventional approach to madness that they regard as nonreductive. Eschewing biological reductionism, they follow the notion that psychosis is connected to trauma. However, they expand upon this position by emphasizing the extent to which all trauma ultimately relates to the events of our collective history. Perceiving their patients as researchers, they see the clinicianâs role not as that of a healer, but rather as an assistant to the work of historical research: âSometimes a fit of madness tells us more than all the news dispatches about the left-over facts that have no right to existenceâ (p. xxvii). For Davoine and Gaudillière, to speak of something actively traumatic having been forgotten is misleading, in that the trauma cannot properly be said to reside in the past. The place of trauma is inferred by an absence, this being conceivable as a gap in the signifying chain of collective history. Recovery is achieved not by seeking to find containment for the unconscious (as psychoanalytic approaches that emphasize the need of a âstrong egoâ might assume), or by attempting to unearth something forgotten, but rather by trying to create the possibility of a repression â and hence, the hope of being able to forget. The unsymbolized trauma cannot be said to belong to the past, because it is precisely the existence of the trauma in the present that demands attention.
Accepting the patientâs experience requires that the clinician confront a conflict in themselves and move beyond causal thinking. The traumatic event is not yet an event at all, but rather the implication of something not yet nameable. Only at the intersection of shared experiences evoked by the therapeutic dyad can the patient give voice to the unspeakable. For the analyst to play a part in this means allowing the patient to lead â the clinician should view themselves as a co-participant. This entails the clinician divulging experiences of their own emerging relationship to trauma; a gesture that would more usually be considered intrusive, but out of which an alliance is formed enabling the shared process of forging history. Where conventional practice might dissuade an analyst from sharing elements of their own experience with the patient, particularly if the material is emotionally demanding, paying this kind of testimony to trauma is in this context regarded as essential.
By emphasizing the role of collective history, Davoine and Gaudillière offer an example of an approach to trauma that moves beyond interpersonal conceptions of transmission. This is not to the exclusion of the role that interpersonal factors play in giving rise to traumatic experience, but in the extent that we continue to consider these factors a cause, their effect is no longer to be perceived as the kernel of the trauma itself so much as a heightened receptivity to it â the trauma informs the sense of a calling which, in effect, enables the patient to conduct the work of historical research. Patients experiencing psychosis are often tortured by the efforts of others to âexplainâ psychotic experience causally.2 For this reason, the only means of making a genuine connection with the patient is by way of coincidence. A clinician may discover, for instance, that the patientâs grandfather was critically ...