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Religious Experience and New Testament Research
In this study, I will argue that religious experiences (REs) which were perceived as divine revelatory actions inspired the writing of at least some of the texts which became New Testament Scripture, and that the eventual inclusion of these texts in the NT canon in part reflects their writersâ intention to produce scriptural texts. Analysing this dual claim will require a rigorous engagement with RE, and in this chapter I will situate my work within a history of research on RE. An exhaustive consideration of all relevant material is not necessary in light of several recent publications, including my own.1 Instead, I will outline older approaches to RE (§1.1.1) and its subsequent neglect (§1.1.2), before focusing on its retrieval by James D. G. Dunn, Larry W. Hurtado and Luke Timothy Johnson (§1.1.3). I will suggest three points of confluence in their research and bring these into conversation with four indicative recent approaches (§1.1.4) and religious studies treatments of RE (§1.2). At the end of this chapter (§1.3), I will identify four theoretical questions which must be addressed when considering RE as a historical phenomenon and possible cause in the creation of the writings which came to make up the NT. In Chapter 2, I will then suggest a constructive approach which can address these questions to serve as a theoretical groundwork for my exegetical test cases.
1.1. Religious experience in biblical studies research
Moule notes that âalmost wherever one starts, the discussion of Christian experience leads without much delay to some question about the Spirit of Godâ.2 This has two implications for this review: first, it explains why material treating the Spirit will figure prominently in a survey of research into RE; second, it already gestures towards the theological implications of considering the possible historical role played by REs in the processes which led to the creation of the NT texts. REs are inherently bound up with theological claims about reality and divine revelation.3 This makes it potentially problematic to consider such experiences within the scholarly field of biblical studies, which arose as a historical discipline in opposition to theology.4 As Luke Timothy Johnson notes, âScholarsâ openness to RE is entangled in their theories about the way reality is structuredâ,5 and assumptions about the structure of reality inform understandings of the nature of history and the historiographical task.6 Consequently, attitudes to RE in biblical studies often reflect theological presuppositions. However, Hengel argues that âwe cannot talk theologically of Godâs disclosure of himself in Jesus and the apostolic testimony without at the same time grasping the form and content of this communication by means of historical researchâ.7 Studying the potential REs that motivated the NT authors to write and shaped the writings they produced is one way to try to grasp the âform and contentâ of their inspiration.
Reflection on experience has been an important resource for Christian theology since at least Augustine,8 but during the Reformation the question of how to treat claimed immediate revelatory experiences of God came to the fore. In 1525, radical reformers such as Andreas Karlstadt and Thomas MĂźntzer appealed to RE-derived knowledge of Godâs will to justify violent political action.9 In response, Martin Luther, who saw the Holy Spirit as âthe fullest gift to all, including the most âordinary,â Christiansâ,10 denounced their attitude as Schwärmerei (âenthusiasmâ). In doing so, Luther was critiquing what he saw as an insufficient recognition of human sinfulness: in âbaptizingâ their subjective feelings as revelatory, Karlstadt and others had consumed âthe Holy Spirit, feathers and allâ,11 resulting in an inappropriate treatment of human feelings as theological data. However, as Zahl notes, the result was that âenthusiasmâ came to function as a polemic label for âsubjectivistic, chaotic, emotional, and irrationalâ12 religious phenomena. In this sense, it was used to discredit later movements, such as the Pietist revivalists, who drew on experience as a theological resource in the aftermath of the Reformation.13
Nevertheless, the Pietist emphasis on experience distinctively shaped theological reflection in the eighteenth century. Awakening preacher Jonathan Edwards focused on religious affections,14 and John Wesleyâs commitment to âexperimental theologyâ shaped the so-called Wesleyan Quadrilateral, which raised experience to a theological source alongside Scripture, reason, and tradition.15 Pietism also influentially coincided with the Enlightenment elevation of reason, as well as romanticism, in the work of Friedrich Schleiermacher. Accepting that the erosion of scriptural authority by historical criticism meant religion needed to be placed on a new foundation, Schleiermacher argued that it could best be grounded in feeling â a category intended to stand alongside reason (thinking) and morality (action) as naming an irreducible anthropological element. For Schleiermacher, this feeling â famously most truly apprehended as the âfeeling of absolute dependenceâ16 â is only ever noticeable in particular REs of an âotherâ. Thus, Nimmo argues that Schleiermacher aims to allow âthe lived experience of the Christian to form and inform the dogmatic presentationâ.17 However, this emphasis on feeling ultimately helped underwrite the development of German liberal theology in the nineteenth century, and thus formed the context in which the religionsgeschichtliche Schule emerged.
1.1.1. Religionsgeschichtliche Schule
At the end of the âlong nineteenth Centuryâ the religionsgeschichtliche Schule sought, like Schleiermacher, to focus on the lived experience of religion. Of particular importance was Hermann Gunkelâs seminal monograph, Die Wirkungen des heiligen Geistes nach der populären Anschauung der apostolischen Zeit und der Lehre des Apostels Paulus.18 Gunkel begins by analysing âthe popular views of the Spiritâ, taken from the synoptics and Acts as representative of the views of the earliest Christian community, and concludes with an examination of Paulâs teaching on the Spirit.
As Turner notes, Gunkelâs work âis really a historianâs attack on the idealism of liberal theology, which tended to reduce âSpiritâ to the rational development of ideasâ.19 It was groundbreaking and provocative because Gunkel claimed that the earliest Christian community were not speaking about a doctrine when they spoke about the Holy Spirit, but âthe supernatural power of God which works miracles in and through the personâ.20 Moreover, Gunkel argued that these experiences were accessible to critical study. He asked âwhat type of phenomena the communities and Paul regarded as pneumaticâ, with the ultimate aim of âliv[ing] the pneumaticâs inner states after himâ, in order to âdefine the concept of an activity of the Spirit and thus that of the Spirit himselfâ.21 For Gunkel then, the term âSpiritâ was an explanatory label applied to an experiential phenomenon:
Although he does not address it, Gunkelâs claim that âSpiritâ was a descriptive label applied to unusual experiences intuitively interpreted acutely raises the issue of the relationship between REs and the language used to express them. As Turner puts it, the question was, âDid the primitive church have a theology of the Spirit (or was âSpiritâ just an âexplanationâ offered for dramatic supernatural events or charismata)?â23 Gunkel argued the latter and claimed that understanding these explanations could allow an interpreter to access the subjective experiences of the âpneumaticsâ writing them. The argument that doctrinal developments were secondary to RE found later echoes in the work of Adolf Deissmann, who described Christianity as primarily a religious movement centred on worship and experience,24 and Albert Schweitzer, who argued that mystical participation in Christ was of primary importance to Paul.25
Another innovative feature of Gunkelâs work was his argument that earliest Christianity needed to be considered in its Jewish context rather than primarily in light of the Hebrew Bible: âThe assumption of Jewish influence always carries much greater probability than does the assumption of the influence of the Old Testament.â26 This raises the question of how REs relate to their received framework â the historical milie...