Neoliberalism and STEM education
Largely outside of the learning sciences, the ideologies behind STEM education have been widely critiqued as closely aligned with neoliberal discourses and mechanisms of governance (e.g., Apple, 2017; Chesky & Wolfmeyer, 2015; Noble, 2018). Recent emphasis on STEM education in many societies, including Singapore, is aligned with nationalist and neoliberal ideologies to promote constant innovation and the deployment of new technologies to enhance human capital development that enables nations to compete globally (DeCoito, Steele, & Goodnough, 2016; Philip, Bang & Jackson, 2018). These developments have been similarly theorized as informationalized capitalism (Noble, 2018) and technocapitalism (Suarez-Villa, 2009), āa new form of capitalism that is heavily grounded on corporate power and its exploitation of technological creativityā (p. 3). Disruption and change (as part of capitalismās inherent crises) are fetishized and figured as primarily technological projects (Barry, 2001; Suchman, 2011). These projects are then leveraged to call for new technologies and educational innovation to increase worker productivity (Ekbia & Nardi, 2017; Harvey, 1989), which disproportionately benefit the already wealthy.
Enactment of neoliberal ideology is evidenced in the ongoing restructuring of public education around the globe. Examples include the defunding and privatization of schools; teacher deprofessionalization; and reduction of curricular scope to focus on the skills, knowledge, and values that benefit capitalist competition (especially in STEM fields). It can also be seen in accountability measures like standards-based education and standardized tests, and the emphasis on learning for workplace readiness (Ball, 2005; Saltman, 2015). Educational attainment and skills development for labor become āa form of currency for economic ends [where] those that fail to properly learn to work only have themselves to blameā (Means, 2018, p. 328). The fundamental assumption that economic competition and the needs of industry should be the basis of education is unchallenged in much of STEM education as a global and national political project (Vakil, 2018). This assumption is underpinned by current education systems mainly organized to advance technological and scientific areas of study and forms of technical and administrative knowledge that ensure capital accumulation, profitability, and economic growth (Apple, 2017). The primacy of neoliberal capitalism dehumanizes STEM students by focusing on their utility to the needs of capital, reducing students to human resources to be targeted as national investments in order to reap profits (Chesky & Wolfmeyer, 2015). This primacy leads to increased spending to train workers for industry by using public funding, further benefiting industry by reducing labor costs (Bencze, Reiss, Sharma, & Weinstein, 2018; Gunckel & Tolbert, 2018).
Moreover, STEM education promoters often use āsalvationary rhetoricā that promises to create jobs, enhance international competition, and save the nation from economic disaster (Bencze et al., 2018, p. 72). Although current and future realities presented by STEM education discourses carry a sense of certainty and inevitability, they are highly speculative. The emphasis on STEM education and careers (to achieve substantial financial rewards) may result in eventual career disappointment for learners, because there are fewer professional STEM jobs than trained applicants (Martin, 2008). High levels of STEM education are unnecessary for most jobs in the current market and may not prepare the rest of the population for success in life (Apple, 2017; Roth & Barton, 2004). As a result, STEM degree-pursuers potentially bear the high cost of education without certainty of returns (Chesky & Goldstein, 2018).
STEM education initiatives frequently ignore significant sociocultural issues, conflate social mobility and equity (Nasir & Vakil, 2017), and reaffirm the meritocratic myth (Chesky & Goldstein, 2018) in ways that serve to reproduce or increase unjust effects and social inequity (Bencze & Alsop, 2014; Chen & Buell, 2018; Chesky & Wolfmeyer, 2015). The lack of grounding in sociocultural contexts has also resulted in an emphasis on decontextualized forms of knowledge that devalue studentsā everyday lives and communities (Roth, 2009). Such an emphasis creates discontinuities between formal schooling and other aspects of life (Roth & Barton, 2004). Posited as apolitical and value-free (Bencze & Alsop, 2014), STEM education policies and practices prioritize engineered solutions that ignore the sociopolitical causes of social problems and fail to consider who benefits from these solutions and who does not (Gunckel & Tolbert, 2018).
In sum, STEM initiatives rely upon neoliberal, technocratic, instrumentalist, and utilitarian discourses to promote technological change as unequivocally positive while ignoring the sociopolitical foundations of social issues, such as issues of inequality and injustice (e.g., Gunckel & Tolbert, 2018; Rodriguez, 2015). Generally, STEM education operates as a means to achieve national economic and military strength in the geopolitical sphere, rather than support more authentically democratic and justice-oriented goals that would benefit marginalized and racialized groups (Philip et al., 2018).
Neoliberalism and systems of oppression
Neoliberalism should be understood as a project of colonialism, as it was explicitly (and successfully) envisioned as a way to maintain the colonial world order in the era of decolonization (Slobodian, 2018). Neoliberalism has thus perpetuated the colonial logic of domination through hierarchized binaries that justified the domination of humans by gender, race, social class, and educational status (Warren, 1990). Colonial-era practices leveraged what we now call STEM as mechanisms for both judging and exploiting colonized communities, such as in Singapore, even while providing STEM education to the local non-European elites (Blackburn, 2017). STEM similarly formed a central part of the education-economy nexus in postcolonial developmental states, in particular Singapore and other Asian Tigers, governed by elite and Western-aligned authoritarian ruling classes that gained political legitimacy through economic growth and development (Castells, 1988).
Gendered, racialized, and other colonial frameworks of oppression remain inherent in global STEM discourses and educational initiatives, including not only postcolonial societies like Singapore (Ong, 2016), but in colonizer nations like the United States (Chesky & Goldstein, 2018; Nasir & Vakil, 2017). Although equality discourses and diverse representations of STEM education claim to benefit particular disadvantaged social groups, they mask and exacerbate persistent equity and social justice issues. For example, minoritized groups are encouraged to take huge financial risks to pursue STEM education even though workers may only need short- or moderate-term on-the-job-training instead of college education for most STEM jobs (Gutstein, 2008).
Similarly, access to STEM learning spaces and decisions about engaging in these learning settings are bound up in notions of race, gender, identity, and belonging (Chesky & Goldstein, 2018; Nasir & Vakil, 2017). In the US context, feminist and critical race theory research in STEM education has linked discourses of meritocracy in STEM to racial capitalism and the neoliberal racial project (e.g., Chen & Buell, 2018; Noble, 2018) that point to efforts to inspire more women and minoritized groups into STEM careers (e.g., Google-supported BlackGirlsCode). These efforts tend to misrepresent STEMās diversity issues, obscuring the appallingly discriminatory hiring practices of STEM-dominated industries, like those found in Silicon Valley, by suggesting the issue lies in the lack of skills or inspiration within minoritized groups (Noble, 2018). Neoliberalism thus builds on colonial frameworks in narrowing the nature, purpose, and praxis of STEM education globally, with profound implications for limiting the imagined possibilities of STEM identities in local educational contexts.