It is a truism that much as āall politics is local,ā all history is global. It is harder and harder to justify a perspective that focuses too closely on a particular time or place, without acknowledging the links that area of study has to a wide web of people, places, and processes. The articles collected in this special issue of Atlantic Studies: Global Currents expressly recognize that they are all addressing aspects of processes (the development of plantation slavery and rice agriculture) that had consequences for people from a wide range of places (Africa, Europe, Asia, the Americas). Scholarship linking the Upper Guinea coast of present day Sierra Leone and Guinea with the rice growing plantation economies of South Carolina has had a profound impact on the way historical trajectories have been conceived of since the early 1980s, if not before. Research by Littlefield and others first pointed to the apparent links between enslaved captives from the Upper Guinea Coast and rice agriculture in the Carolinas.1 Judith Carney built upon those insights to argue for the foundational and wholesale transfer of rice agriculture technology from the Upper Guinea coast to rice plantations, identified first in the Carolinas, and then elsewhere in the New World, in what became known as the āBlack Rice Hypothesis.ā2
While the specifics of the Black Rice Hypothesis have been criticized in various ways,3 the fundamental notion ā that enslaved Africans were more than labor, and exerted their agency in important and transcendent ways ā is now widely accepted in a range of mediums, from pottery, to food, to housing, to music.4 The Black Rice Hypothesis has gone a long way toward forcing scholars to question the role African agency may have played in many different practices. In keeping with the recent trends in microhistory, this has also compelled a recognition that specific histories ā of places, of people, of events ā matter in the way individuals behaved in novel situations. The articles in this issue of Atlantic Studies: Global Currents arose from a two day seminar held at the University of South Carolina and sponsored by the Walker Institute of International and Area Studies that brought together scholars from a variety of disciplines ā including history, archaeology, anthropology, and geography ā to explore the current range of scholarship that addresses the links between the Upper Guinea Coast and the Carolinas. From the very beginning of our workshop, it became clear that the connections we were seeking between the two regions as they related to slavery and rice were much stronger and longer, with linkages continuing well past the end of the slave trade and into the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In addition to the papers here by Edda Fields-Black, Christopher R. DeCorse, Kenneth G. Kelly and ElHadj Ibrahima Fall, Andrew Agha, and Nemata Blyden, the original workshop had presentations by Judith Carney, Bruce Mouser, Edward Carr, and Leland Ferguson, who were regrettably unable to contribute to the current project. Given the role rice agriculture played either as prime focus of the contributions, or as contributing factor, we felt that bringing a non-Atlantic perspective on rice to the collection would be valuable, particularly as in the Americas, rice is such a dominant narrative through the end of the American Civil War, and then it rapidly disappears, without discussion of what replaced Carolina production. To that end, we added the article by Kathleen Morrison and Mark W. Hauser that discusses exactly what happens to the rice economy in the years following the American Civil War and the collapse of Carolina rice.
The current collection presents a range of perspectives on the connections between the Upper Guinea Coast and the Carolina Lowcountry. The cultural consequences for Diasporic societies are explored both through the discussion by Fields-Black concerning the impacts of rice cultivation on commercial and subsistence scales for Africans enslaved in the Carolinas, as well as for Africans on the Upper Guinea coast. Two articles discuss the archaeological implications of the slave trade on the Upper Guinea coast, with one exploration of the slave trading establishments in coastal Sierra Leone in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (DeCorse), and the other reporting on the first excavations of āillegalā slave trading posts in Guinea that were active during the nineteenth century (Kelly and Fall). These contributions acknowledge the impacts of slave trading in the immediate area of the trading posts through the creation of new Atlantic identities, as well as the consequences to more distant societies. The material traces of the consequences of the Atlantic trade between the Upper Guinea coast and the present day USA is discussed in Aghaās contribution which highlights the materialization of the labor of African agents who reshaped the Carolina landscape with the strength of their arms. To remind us that the connections between the Carolinas and the Upper Guinea Coast endured in significant ways following the end of the slave trade and plantation slavery, Blyden describes the personal connections that tied Sierra Leone to the USA, particularly the Southeast, in the decades following the American Civil War. Morrison and Hauser, in their contribution, demonstrate that the Atlantic world that united the Guinea Coast and the Carolinas with Europe extended beyond the Atlantic into the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia.
It is our hope that the contributions to this volume will help to reinforce an appreciation of the extensive web of links that have connected these regions over the past four centuries, and that the role of individuals in influencing the direction of history will become apparent. I wish to thank all the participants in the Walker Workshop, whether their papers appear here or not, as all the current contributions have benefited from the exciting discussions we shared over the course of our two days together.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1. Littlefield, Rice and Slaves; Wood, Black Majority.
2. Carney, Black Rice.
3. Eltis, Morgan, and Richardson, āAgency and Diaspora,ā; Edelson, āBeyond āBlack Riceā,ā Hawthorne, āFrom āBlack Riceā to āBrownā,ā Eltis, Morgan, and Richardson, āBlack, Brown or White.ā
4. Ferguson, Uncommon Ground.
References
Carney, Judith. Black Rice: The African Origins of Rice Cultivation in the Americas. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001.
Edelson, S. Max. āBeyond āBlack Riceā: Reconstructing Material and Cultural Contexts for Early Plantation Agricultureā The American Historical Review 115, no. 1 (2010): 125ā135.
Eltis, David, Philip Morgan, and David Richardson. āAgency and Diaspora in Atlantic History: Reassessing the African Contribution to Rice Cultivation in the Americas.ā The American Historical Review 112, no. 5 (2007): 1329ā1358.
Eltis, David, Philip Morgan, and David Richardson. āBlack, Brown or White? Color-Coding American Commercial Rice Cultivation with Slave Labor.ā The American Historical Review 115, no. 1 (2010): 164ā171.
Ferguson, Leland. Uncommon Ground: Archaeology and Early African America, 1650ā1800. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Press, 1992.
Hawthorne, Walter. āFrom āBlack Riceā to āBrownā: Rethinking the History of Risiculture in the Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Atlantic.ā The American Historical Review 115, no. 1 (2010): 151ā163.
Littlefield, Daniel C. Rice and Slaves: Ethnicity and the Slave Trade in Colonial South Carolina. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981.
Wood, Peter H. Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion. New York: W. W. Norton, 1974.