Part I
Morrisâs Life, Family, and Environs
1
Morris Biographies
Michael Robertson
William Morris, it is generally agreed, has been the subject of three great biographies: those by J. W. Mackail (1899), E. P. Thompson (1955, rev. ed. 1977), and Fiona MacCarthy (1995).1 It would be possible to write a Whiggish history of Morris biography, tracing a steady upward trajectory from family friend Mackailâs detailed but discreet two-volume Victorian âlife and lettersâ to Marxist historian Thompsonâs revisionist, politically oriented study to professional biographer MacCarthyâs perceptive, artful, âdefinitiveâ work. The history of Morris biography is, however, more complicated. The works of Mackail, Thompson, and MacCarthy are indeed great booksâMorris has been fortunate in his biographersâbut each is a product of its cultural moment, and each has distinctive strengths and limitations. Moreover, the great-men-and-one-woman model of Morris biography ignores other crucial contributors: a daughter, a female friend, two business historians, and a variety of other writers and scholars.
When Morris died in 1896, it was inevitable that a major biography would soon appear. The Times obituary called him âa great artistâ; the Manchester Guardian regarded him as âone of the most gifted survivors of a great generation.â2 Within a week of his death, Morrisâs family and circle of close friends settled on J. W. Mackail as official biographer. Mackail, thirty-seven years old at the time of Morrisâs death, was a brilliant Oxford graduateâconsidered the outstanding classical scholar of his generationâwho had passed up the opportunity to remain at Oxford as a don in order to join the civil service, where he shaped national education policy while publishing books of translation and criticism. Mackail had known Morris personally; he was, moreover, the son-in-law of Morrisâs oldest and closest friends, Edward and Georgiana Burne-Jones. Some critics have treated Mackailâs closeness to the Morris/Burne-Jones circle as a lamentable conflict of interest, but this is to misapprehend the conventions of nineteenth-century life-writing. As Trev Broughton points out, throughout the century âliterary sons, sons-in-law, nephews, admirers and intellectual protĂ©gĂ©s, and ⊠daughters, wives and nieces produced biographies as part of the fabric of social obligation.â3 Victorians would have been horrified at the idea of a disinterested biographer; burnishing the halo of the deceased was understood to be part of the job description. âThe hallmarks of Victorian biography,â writes Hermione Lee, âwere morality and reticence.â4 The sentiments expressed by a writer for Blackwoodâs Magazine in 1849 were echoed for the rest of the century: âWhatever refers to public life is public, and may be printed; whatever refers solely to domestic existence is private, and ought to be held sacred.â5
Yet as Broughton notes, the ideology of Victorian life-writing was, like all ideologies, âunstable and contested.â6 Conventions of reticence were challenged by the publication of John Keatsâs letters to Fanny Brawne (a âhideous breach of the sanctities of life,â one reviewer wrote on the lettersâ publication in 1878) and, most of all, by the controversy surrounding John Anthony Froudeâs remarkably frank four-volume Thomas Carlyle (1882â84).7 Shortly before issuing his first two volumes, Froude also published Carlyleâs Reminiscences (1881), which described in frequently blunt detail his unhappy marriage to Jane Welsh, and while completing the biography, he published Letters and Memorials of Jane Welsh Carlyle (1883), which more fully revealed Carlyleâs cruelty to his wife. Critics coined the term âFroudacity,â a signifier of biographical treachery and immorality.
Mackail began his biography of William Morris only a dozen years after the controversy over Froudeâs Carlyle. He was well aware that Morrisâs marriage to Jane Burden was, if not as explosively disastrous as that of the Carlyles, less than blissful. Jane Morris was intimately involved with Morrisâs friend Dante Gabriel Rossetti for years; in response, Morris turned for emotional comfort to Mackailâs mother-in-law, Georgiana Burne-Jones. Mackail opted for reticence. His Life of William Morris offers no hint of domestic strife. When a close friend of Morris complimented him on the biography soon after its publication, he confessed to her that his difficulties in writing it had been considerable,
especially in the constant need for what is called âtact,â which is a quality unpleasantly near untruthfulness often: and especially I feel that my account of all those stormy years of the Earthly Paradise time & the time following it [i.e., the years of Jane Morrisâs affair with Rossetti] must be excessively flat owing to the amount of tact that had to be exercised right & left.8
Mackail was not merely tactful about Morrisâs marriage; he avoided the topic altogether, aside from dutifully noting the date of the wedding. Thereafter, Jane Morris is mentioned only once in Mackailâs two volumes. Mackailâs treatment of Morrisâs family, his silence about not only Jane but also Morrisâs daughters Jenny and May, reveals the way in which Victorian biographical conventions of reticence colluded with patriarchal ideology to erase women from the accounts of menâs lives. Mackailâs âtactâ about Jane Morris leads to the suppression not only of her marital infidelity but also of her background, her personality, her artistic gifts, her very selfhood. He is equally dismissive of May, the younger of Morrisâs two daughters, an intelligent, strong-willed person who, as a young woman, played an important role in her fatherâs life, joining him in his socialist activities and serving as a designer and department head in Morris & Co. Mayâs sole appearance in the biography is at her birth. Jenny is mentioned occasionally, but only as a source of concern to her father after she is struck down, at age fifteen, with an unspecified illness. Jennyâs illness was epilepsyâa disease considered shameful at the timeâand Morrisâs anguished love for his ailing daughter was a central fact of his life for his final two decades. Mackailâs silence about his subjectâs domestic existence distorts the essence of Morrisâs life and contributes to patriarchal conceptions of the self-reliant Great Man.
Despite its strategic omissions, Mackailâs biography was hailed as a âclassicâ and considered a âmasterpiece of English prose,â according to Morrisâs friend and associate Sydney Cockerell.9 This is laying it on a bit thick. Mackailâs prose is excellent, but his biography falls squarely into the Victorian âlife and lettersâ format, with over half its length devoted to extensive quotations from letters and other primary documents. Still, unlike most of his Victorian peers, Mackail establishes a strong and frequently witty authorial presence. He is a master of the quick character sketch, writing of Rossetti during the 1850s,
For him, at that time, English society was divided into two classes. The duty of the one class was to paint pictures ⊠The duty of the other class was to buy the pictures so painted. This amazingly simple scheme of life he enforced with all the power of his bewitching personality.10
Mackailâs gift for deftâand sometimes devastatingâcharacterization extends to his portrayal of Morris. Bucking the hagiographic conventions of Victorian biography, Mackail refers to Morrisâs âself-centred natureâ early in the book, and in the concluding chapter writes about his âunique self-absorptionâ and his capacity for âthe most amazing and almost supernatural rudeness towards both men and women.â11
One suspects that Mackail was on the receiving end of this rudeness on one or more occasions. His testy interactions with Morris seem to have skewed his judgment, given that Morrisâs letters from boyhood onward reveal a fundamentally kind and affectionate nature. Mackail, in any case, manages to combine awareness of Morrisâs faults with a genuine appreciation of his achievements, opening the book with a brief and penetrating summary of his life work: âthe whole of [his] extraordinary powers were devoted towards no less an object than the reconstitution of the civilized life of mankind.â12 Mackailâs acknowledgments of Morrisâs faults heightens readersâ confidence in his judgments, as when he says that Morrisâs embrace of socialism, far from being the âaberrationâ that someâincluding Mackailâs father-in-law Burne-Jonesâthought it to be, was âinnateâ to Morris: it âwas, and had been from his earliest beginnings, the quality which, more than any other, penetrated and dominated all he did.â13
Such statements contradict the consensus in Morris scholarship that Mackail was unremittingly hostile to Morrisâs socialismâa view reinforced by Bernard Shawâs frequently quoted comment that âfrom [Mackailâs] point of view Morris took to Socialism as Poe took to drink.â14 It is clear, nevertheless, that Mackail prefers Morrisâs poetry to his politics. He treats Morrisâs socialist activism respectfully but briefly. He tells us that socialism dominated all Morris did, but he shows relatively little of Morrisâs intense involvement in socialism from 1883 onward. The full extent of Morrisâs socialist activities would not be revealed for over half a century.
In the meantime, publications about Morris proliferated during the years after his death. Among the first and most important was Georgiana Burne-Jonesâs two-volume biography of her husband, Memorials of Edward Burne-Jones (1904). Edward Burne-Jones has a significant role in Mackailâs biography, but Mackail offers no memorable description of his father-in-law, and Georgiana figures only as a recipient of letters from Morris. In contrast, Morris is a major figure in the Memorials, and the work offers a vivid portrait of the friendship between him and the Burne-Joneses. In Fiona MacCarthyâs trenchant summary, âThe Memorials tells a subtle story of a strange blameless Victorian mĂ©nage Ă trois.â15
It was not uncommon for the widow of an eminent Victorian to write his biography; however, it was unusual for the ensuing product to have any vitality. Edmund Gosse complained in 1901, âIt is to the Widow that we owe the fact that a very large section of recent biography might pass for an annex to Madame Tussaudâs gallery.â16 In contrast, Georgianaâs biography is vivid, candid, and personal. She uses first person and calls her subject âEdwardâ throughout. Mackail erased Morrisâs domestic life and the women and girls at its center; Georgiana highlights Burne-Jonesâs playfulness with his children, his grandchildren, and a succession of other young people. Georgiana knew Burne-Jones from childhood and became engaged to him when she was only fifteen, but she generously characterizes Morris as his âlifeâs companion,â and their friendship is at the heart of the Memorials. In a moving scene near the biographyâs end, Georgiana quotes from a letter she wrote soon after Morrisâs death: âI am taking all the care I can of Edwardâfeeding as far as he will let meâcompanioning as far as may be.â But, she adds, âhis cry was: âI am quite alone now, quite, quite.ââ17
May Morris also made a major contribution to Morris biography during the decades immediately following his death, and like Georgiana Burne-Jonesâs Memorials, her work is vivid and personal, a lively counter to Mackailâs erasure of his subjectâs domestic life. Her biography of her father...