Athanasius (Foundations of Theological Exegesis and Christian Spirituality)

Peter J. Leithart, Hans Boersma, Matthew Levering

• Publisher: Baker Academic
• Year: 2011
• Print ISBN:
  9780801039423
• eBook ISBN:
  9781441232014
• Topic: Theology & Religion
• Subtopic: Christian Theology

This volume by a respected theologian offers fresh consideration of the work of famous fourth-century church father Athanasius, giving specific attention to his use of Scripture, his deployment of metaphysical categories, and the intersection between the two. Peter Leithart not only introduces Athanasius and his biblical theology but also puts Athanasius into dialogue with contemporary theologians.

This volume launches the series Foundations of Theological Exegesis and Christian Spirituality. Edited by Hans Boersma and Matthew Levering, the series critically recovers patristic exegesis and interpretation for contemporary theology and spirituality. Each volume covers a specific church father and illuminates the exegesis that undergirds the Nicene tradition. The series contributes to the growing area of theological interpretation and will appeal to both evangelical and Catholic readers.

1
Evangelizing Metaphysics

Battle in Alexandria

Even before the controversy over Arius broke out around 318, the church scene in fourth-century Alexandria, Egypt, was tumultuous. Escaping the Diocletianic persecution (c. 303), Bishop Peter of Alexandria had fled from his city more than once.[1] During one of his absences, one Melitius found the city bereft of pastoral care and promptly ordained some men to fill the vacuum. Peter returned and wondered what had happened to his bishopric. It was the beginning of what we now know as the Melitian schism.

In part, this was another battle, like the Donatist schism to the West, about the proper response to persecution, and the question was whether to encourage or discourage what some regarded as the imprudent zeal of voluntary martyrs. Peter, like the anti-Donatist Bishop Mensurius of Carthage, urged moderation and was mild toward those who lapsed by offering sacrifice to the emperor; Melitius was of Donatist stripe. In Alexandria, the division was so acute that, according to legend, Peter and Melitius were not even able to cooperate when they were, ironically, forced to share a prison cell. Peter hung a curtain down the middle of the cell and urged his supporters to remain on his side of the curtain.[2]

Despite his prudent escapes, Peter died a martyr in 311. Achillas briefly followed him as bishop, but he soon died, and Alexander was installed in 313. Sometime around 318, he and a local priest, Arius, came into conflict over Christology. Ancient church historians give differing accounts of the origins of the controversy, but the most likely explanation is that of Socrates, who recorded that Arius objected to a sermon of Alexander that so stressed the unity of Father and Son that it seemed to verge toward the Sabellian or modalist heresy by denying distinctions among the persons.[3]

A charismatic preacher, Arius was tall, stooped, and curved—as one ancient historian put it—like a snake. He wore the garb of an ascetic and a philosopher and oversaw a large number of devoted virgins within the Alexandrian church. He had a reputation as an acute logician. Possibly a student of Lucian of Antioch (as Arius’s ally Eusebius of Nicomedia definitely was), Arius was in some respects a traditional Alexandrian theologian. Like Clement and Origen, the great Alexandrian theologians of the previous centuries, Arius was devoted to more speculative theology and taught mainly a small band of devoted disciples. He was not, like Alexander, responsible for a large congregation of lay believers. The conflict between the two is in part a conflict of different theological styles: catholic versus academic.[4]

Arius aligned with Origen in another respect too. On the issues that came to the forefront in the Arian controversy, Origen’s position was ambiguous. On the one hand, Origen taught that the Son was eternally and timelessly generated by the Father, but on the other hand, he implied that the Son was secondary and ontologically subordinate to the Father. Arius joined with Origen in stressing the subordination of the Son to the Father, but unlike Origen, Arius cut through the ambiguity and denied the eternal generation of the Son.[5]

Arius’s precise views are hard to come by. Very few of his writings still exist in complete form, and we are, in the main, forced to rely on his opponents, mainly Athanasius, who quoted fragments and often put them in the worst possible light. Yet several of Arius’s basic ideas and emphases can be reconstructed. One of the few extant works from his own hand is a letter to Bishop Eusebius of Nicomedia, in which he complains that he is being persecuted for teaching that the Logos exists “by will and counsel,” that “before he was begotten, or created, or determined, or established, he did not exist,” and that he “derives from non-existence” (ex ouk ontōn estin).[6] To be sure, the Logos is not a creature as other creatures are, but neither is he unbegotten, since there can be only one unbegotten, the Father.[7]

Another letter to Alexander, preserved by Athanasius in his treatise On the Synods, provides a fuller explanation of Arius’s viewpoint. Claiming that he is only summarizing the “faith from our forefathers,”[8] Arius confesses “One God, alone Ingenerate, alone Everlasting, alone Unbegun, alone True, alone having Immortality, alone Wise, alone Good, alone Sovereign, Judge, Governor, and Providence of all, unalterable and unchangeable, just and good.” The repeated “alone” is revealing, since it highlights Arius’s claim that he is confessing the “one God” of Scripture, which, in his view, necessarily excludes any notion of a Son who is, “along with” God, ingenerate, everlasting, unbegun, true, immortal, wise, good. He claims to be worshiping the “God of Law and Prophets and New Testament,” a God who “begot an Only-begotten Son before eternal times,” through whom he made all things. This Son is begotten “not in semblance but in truth,” and this means that God “made Him subsist at His own will, unalterable and unchangeable” as a “perfect creature of God, but not as one of the creatures” and as “offspring, but not as one of the things begotten.” Carefully distancing himself from earlier heretics—he names the gnostic Valentinus, the Manicheans, and Sabellius among others—he describes the view of the Son that he and his allies (“we”) held.

For when giving to him [the Son] the inheritance of all things [Heb. 1:2], the Father did not deprive himself of what he has without beginning in himself; for he is the source of all things. Thus there are three subsisting realities [hypostaseis]. And God, being the cause of all that happens, is absolutely alone without beginning; but the Son, begotten apart from time by the Father, and created [ktistheis] and founded before the ages, was not in existence before his generation, but was begotten apart from time before all things, and he alone came into existence [hypestē] from the Father. For he is neither eternal nor co-eternal nor co-unbegotten with the Father, nor does he have his being together with the Father, as some speak of relations, introducing two unbegotten beginnings. But God is before all things as monad and beginning of all. Therefore he is also before the Son, as we have learned also from your public preaching in the church. (On the Synods 16)[9]

Arius also summarized his views in a poem, known as the Thalia, whose original form is notoriously difficult to reconstruct. Athanasius provides two summaries of Arius’s beliefs, which he claims are taken from Arius’s own writings. Some quotations are from the Thalia, but scholars still puzzle over whether Athanasius is quoting verbatim or slicing a few juicy pieces from the work.[10] The first is found in Athanasius’s treatise On the Synods and bears the heading “The Blasphemies of Arius”:[11]

God Himself then, in His own nature, is ineffable by all men. Equal or like Himself He alone has none, or one in glory. And Ingenerate we call Him, because of Him who is generate by nature. We praise Him as without beginning because of Him who has a beginning. And adore Him as everlasting, because of Him who in time has come to be. The Unbegun made the Son a beginning of things originated; and advanced Him as a Son to Himself by adoption. He has nothing proper to God in proper subsistence. For He is not equal, no, nor one in essence with Him. Wise is God, for He is the teacher of Wisdom. There is full proof that God is invisible to all beings; both to things which are through the Son, and to the Son He is invisible. I will say it expressly, how by the Son is seen the Invisible; by that power by which God sees, and in His own measure, the Son endures to see the Father, as is lawful. Thus there is a Triad, not in equal glories. Not intermingling with each other are their subsistences. One more glorious than the other in their glories unto immensity. Foreign from the Son in essence is the Father, for He is without beginning. Understand that the Monad was; but the Dyad was not, before it was in existence. It follows at once that, though the Son was not, the Father was God. Hence the Son, not being (for He existed at the will of the Father), is God Only-begotten, and He is alien from either. Wisdom existed as Wisdom by the will of the Wise God. Hence He is conceived in numberless conceptions: Spirit, Power, Wisdom, God’s glory, Truth, Image, and Word. Understand that He is conceived to be Radiance and Light. One equal to the Son, the Superior is able to beget; but one more excellent, or superior, or greater, He is not able. At God’s will the Son is what and whatsoever He is. And when and since He was, from that time He has subsisted from God. He, being a strong God, praises in His degree the Superior. To speak in brief, God is ineffable to His Son. For He is to Himself what He is, that is, unspeakable. So that nothing which is called comprehensible does the Son know to speak about; for it is impossible for Him to investigate the Father, who is by Himself. For the Son does not know His own essence, for, being Son, He really existed, at the will of the Father. What argument then allows, that He who is from the Father should know His own parent by comprehension? For it is plain that for that which has a beginning to conceive how the Unbegun is, or to grasp the idea, is not possible. (On the Synods 15)

Early in the first of his Discourses against the Arians (sometimes known as Orations against the Arians), Athanasius cites a collection of fragments. Mocking Arius’s “effeminate” meter and tone,[12] he quotes Arius’s claim to be summarizing the “faith of God’s elect” that he has learned from “partakers of wisdom,” so that he might be “accomplished, divinely taught, and wise in all things.” Athanasius follows with a catena of “repulsive and irreligious” teachings:

“God was not always a Father”; but “once God was alone, and not yet a Father, but afterwards He became a Father.” “The Son was not always”; for, whereas all things were made out of nothing, and all existing creatures and works were made, so the Word of God Himself was “made out of nothing,” and “once He was not,” and “He was not before His origination,” but He as others “had an origin of creation.” “For God,” he says, “was alone, and the Word as yet was not, nor the Wisdom. Then, wishing to form us, thereupon He made a certain one, and named Him Word and Wisdom and Son, that He might form us by means of Him.” Accordingly, he says that there are two wisdoms, first, the attribute co-existent with God, and next, that in this wisdom the Son was originated, and was only named Wisdom and Word as partaking of it. “For Wisdom,” says he, “by the will of the wise God, had its existence in Wisdom.” In like manner, he says, that there is another Word in God besides the Son, and that the Son again, as partaking of it, is named Word and Son according to grace. And this too is an idea proper to their heresy, as shown in other works of theirs, that there are many powers; one of which is God’s own by nature and eternal; but that Christ, on the other hand, is not the true power of God; but, as others, one of the so-called powers, one of which, namely, the locust and the caterpillar, is called in Scripture, not merely the power, but the “great power.” The others are many and are like the Son, and of them David speaks in the Psalms, when he says, “The Lord of hosts” or “powers.” And by nature, as all others, so the Word Himself is alterable, and remains good by His own free will, while He chooses; when, however, He wills, He can alter as we can, as being of an alterable nature. For “therefore,” says he, “as foreknowing that He would be good, did God by anticipation bestow on Him this glory, which afterwards, as man, He attained from virtue. Thus in consequence of His works fore-known, did God bring it to pass that He being such, should come to be.” (Discourses 1.5)

Rowan Williams provides one of the most careful and charitable summaries of Arius’s theology. For Arius, “God alone is self-subsistent” and does not have “any kind of plurality or composition.” Because he is not eternally and intrinsically related, “He is entirely free, rational and purposive.” To create the world, he freely and voluntarily brings “the Son into being, as a subsistent individual truly [alēthōs] distinct from himself.” Though this occurs “before all ages,” yet, in a sense, “the Father exists prior to the Son, since the Son is not eternal, that is, not timelessly self-subsistent.” The Son remains what he was created to be, “a perfect creature,” and as such he receives “all the gifts and glories God can give him.”[13]

The Councils Begin

Alarmed not only at Arius’s teaching but also at his popularity, Bishop Alexander summoned a synod of one hundred Egyptian bishops, who roundly condemned Arius. Banished from the city, Arius journeyed to Nicomedia, where he knew he would gain a sympathetic hearing from the powerful Eusebius, an intimate of Constantia, the wife of the eastern emperor Licinius and sister of Constantine. Arius had chosen a good ally. Eusebius summoned a council in Bithynia, which reversed the decision of the Egyptian council by finding Arius orthodox.[14] Another council was held at Caesarea, presumably headed by another Eusebius, the bishop of Caesarea and author of the first Church History, and this too found Arius innocent of heresy, though it recommended that he return to Alexandria to attempt a reconciliation with his bishop. Arius returned, but reconciliation did not happen; instead, Arius’s presence in Alexandria only provoked further quarreling. Meanwhile, a council held in Antioch condemned and excommunicated Eusebius of Caesarea in 324.[15]

Resolution of the controversy was made more difficult by Licinius’s prohibition of Christian assemblies in 322 (which may have been a response to the controversy), and so it was not until Constantine took over the East in 324 that the bishops could safely meet to resolve the question. Constantine’s inclination was to settle the dispute by negotiation. He rapidly dispatched his advisor Ossius to Alexandria, bearing an imperial letter, but Ossius found the situation far worse than he had expected. Soon after his mission failed, Constantine summoned the bishops of East and West, together with several from outside the empire, first to Ancyra, and then to Nicaea, to put the issue to rest once and for all. It was the first ecumenical council in the history of the church.

Athanasius was thrust into this controversy in his early adulthood.[16] Born sometime between 295 and 299 into a pagan household in Alexandria, Athanasius rose to prominence as a young man. According to legend, Alexander found Athanasius on the beach playing bishop with his friends on the anniversary of the martyrdom of the previous bishop, Peter, and Alexander “construed the coincidence as an omen and took the boys into his household to give them an education.”[17] Under Alexander’s tutelage, Athanasius received a smattering of classical education, but the focus of his training was on Scripture.[18] As Gregory Nazianzen describes it in his oration in praise of Athanasius,

He was brought up, from the first, in religious habits and practices, after a brief study of literature and philosophy, so that he might not be utterly unskilled in such subjects, or ignorant of matters which he had determined to despise. For his generous and eager soul could not brook being occupied in vanities, like unskilled athletes, who beat the air instead of their antagonists and lose the prize. From meditating on every book of the Old and New Testament, with a depth such as none else has applied even to one of them, he grew rich in contemplation, rich in splendor of life, combining them in wondrous sort by that golden bond which few can weave; using life as the guide of contemplation, contemplation as the seal of life. For the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and, so to say, its first swathing band; but, when wisdom has burst the bonds of fear and risen up to love, it makes us friends of God, and sons instead of bondsmen. (Oration 21.6)[19]

Though he was able to use the philosophy he knew in anti-pagan apologetics and anti-Arian polemics, Athanasius remained throughout his life mainly a Bible teacher, his most basic convictions, passions, instincts, beliefs, and views shaped not by Plotinus or Stoicism but by Scripture.

Athanasius’s life was one of epic proportions—a biblical epic, to be precise. He consistently viewed his opponents and his circumstances through the lenses of the biblical narratives that he had learned so thoroughly at the feet of Alexander. For example, he opens an encyclical letter describing the circumstances of the Alexandrian church with a lengthy comparison to the account of the Levite and the concubine in Judges 19–21. “My object,” he writes, “in reminding you of this history is this, that you may compare those ancient transactions with what has happened to us now, and perceiving how much these last exceed the other in cruelty, may be filled with greater indignation on account of them, than were the people of old against those offenders.” In his view, “the calamity of the...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Series Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Dedication
• Epigraph
• Contents
• Series Preface
• Acknowledgments
• Introduction
• 1. Evangelizing Metaphysics
• 2. Types, Terms, and Paradigms
• 3. The One God
• 4. Beginnings
• 5. Middle
• 6. End
• Epilogue
• Notes
• Selected Bibliography
• Index
• Back Cover