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âOnly sissies and women sewâ: An introduction
Following the publication of her book, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine, towards the end of 1984, Rozsika Parker appears to have given a single press interview. During the course of a short conversation, in response to Parkerâs contention that âthe art of embroidery has been the means of educating women into the feminine ideal, and of proving that they have attained it, but it has also provided a weapon of resistance to the constraints of femininityâ, the journalist Anne Caborn asked why there were no men in the book.1 Parker had, in fact, opened the book with reference to men that she had found in a recent government statistics report on âleisure activitiesâ that revealed: âNeedlework is the favourite hobby of two per cent of British males, about equal to the number who go to church regularly. Nearly one in three fills in football coupons, in an average month, or has a bet.â2 From this both women agreed, somewhat humorously, that âreal men gamble and fill in football coupons: only cissies and women sew and swell congregationsâ.3 Writing up her interview Caborn remained struck by Parkerâs âjuxtaposition of needleworkers and churchgoersâ which she thought âneatly picks out the unspoken presumptionâ that for men needlework of any sort was emasculating and carried the stigma of not just effeminacy but further of homosexuality: âYour average hot blooded male is no more likely to whip his embroidery out in a public place, than he is to turn up in the local wearing purple hot pants. Well, itâs not really what youâd call macho. Tough. Is it?â
Caborn drew up a short list of male needleworkers from the well-known (the Duke of Windsor, formerly the Prince of Wales and briefly King Edward VIII) and the obscure (Sir Alec Douglas-Home, 14th Earl of Home and Conservative Prime Minister, 1963â4) to the surprising (Rock Hudson, one-time Hollywood matinĂ©e idol), actively and playfully disrupting Parkerâs stress on embroideryâs critical role in âthe making of the feminineâ alone. In reply, Parker pointed out that the issue of menâs erasure from the history of embroidery had actually been, from an early stage, a factor in her thinking. In the 1970s, as part of the Womenâs Art History Collective, when Parker first began to reconsider embroidery, she was struck by the prominent position men often held in its history. Embroidery had not always been âwomenâs workâ.4 Unlike the similar research being done by contemporary feminist art critics, art historians and artists in America, such as Patricia Mainardi, Rachel Maines, Toni Flores Fratto, Lucy Lippard and Judy Chicago, whose work Parker read and reviewed, she remained perturbed by the fact that the history of needlework seemed to oppress women further by its omission of men.5 Parker had been âtaught to embroider aged 6 or 7,â but, she recalled, it was considered too âsoppy and sissyâ for her brothers who were given toy guns to play with.6
Towards the end of the interview with Caborn, Parker reflected, âWhy is it that a man impairs his masculinity if he embroiders?â She was not alone in her thinking. In 1984, as Parkerâs book appeared, the American historian Joan Jensen acknowledged that âMen have been tailors and factory workers; sailors at sea have sewn their own clothing,â practices that were related, yet somehow removed, from the realities of womenâs experiences of needlework.7 Studies of womenâs needlework proliferated in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries but to date there has not been a single book-length study about men and the culture of needlework. To understand better how needlework became so associated with the feminine ideal Parker analysed over a thousand years of its history in Britain. Over the past five hundred years, in particular, she located âtransitionalâ moments when embroidery became a social and economic, as much as a cultural, factor in the separation of the genders into public and private spheres.8 She focused on a diverse range of selected examples taking in the presence of gender in the religious iconography of medieval English embroidery known as Opus Anglicanum, the rise of secular embroidery, domestic sewing and sampler making from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, and the industrialization and commercialization of embroidery as well as the expansion of sweated labour and the parallel rediscovery and revival of medieval embroideryâs aesthetics and techniques in the nineteenth century. She concluded her overview with an analysis of the role of needlework in the feminist movements in the opening and closing decades of the twentieth century. Parker noted that in medieval Britain âmen and women embroidered in guild workshops, or workshops attached to noble households, in monasteries and nunneries,â but by the Victorian age âhistorians of embroidery obscured its past and instead suggested that embroidery had always been an inherently female activity, a quintessentially feminine craft.â9 As embroidery became feminine it became amateur too.10 âArt of course has no sex,â but craft seemed to.11 Victorian readings of embroidery as an essentially feminine pastime, Parker contested, prevailed unchallenged throughout the entire twentieth century. Within this, she further argued, âembroidery and the stereotype of femininity have become collapsed into one anotherâ yet, âparadoxically, while embroidery was employed to inculcate femininity in women, it also enabled them to negotiate the constraints of femininityâ.12 If needlework became compulsory in the construction of âwomenâ as a social category, for men the opposite was true. Masculinity became defined through a conspicuous renunciation of needlework yet, predictably, men also retained the privilege of access according to demand or desire.
Concepts of masculinity as a âconstant, solid entity embedded, not only in the social network but in a deeper âtruerâ realityâ seemed to resist, and continue to resist, analysis in terms of their construction.13 But men (and certainly their relation to the culture of needlework) were unquestionably shaped by social and economic contexts that fixed genders as stable categories. Parker sees this as happening in tandem with the advent of modern capitalist society after the end of the eighteenth century.14 This is the period in which the term âmasculinityâ was first used.15 As the Victorians cast women in the role of natureâs needleworker, men were erased from its history. If we know that men stitched during medieval and early modern history, what, from the nineteenth century onwards, compelled Parker to claim, âfew men would risk jeopardising their sexual identity by claiming a right to the needleâ.16 Although Parker pays no attention to âcissiesâ beyond the first page of The Subversive Stitch, gay men, in particular, have taken up needle and thread for its âqueerâ subversion of the homophobic and heterosexist policing of gender and sexual identity.17 Indeed, Parker and Griselda Pollock noted in Old Mistresses (1981), one of their major collaborations and very much a prequel to The Subversive Stitch, that once the masculine ideal was obliterated from embroideryâs history âit continued to be stitched by queensâ.18
The examples of sewing by men, that Joan Jensen included in her study of needlework, draw on what could be called homosocial spaces, all-male arenas in which women are absent, where, it is believed, menâs interest in needlework grew purely out of necessity. If then, as Jensen argues, and Parker concurs, âArt. Meditation. Liberation. Exploitation. Needlework has been all these to women,â what, if anything, has it meant to men?19 Jensen, like Parker, pressed the point that womenâs needlework could be a source of pleasure as well as oppression. Women, she noted, could take great pride in their work: âwhether for sewing on buttons or for taking the fine stitches that created the great womenâs art of quiltingâ.20 For Parker âall embroideryâ has a capacity to offer âcomfort, satisfaction or pleasure for the embroidererâ.21 Yet, when men stitched it is generally understood in terms of practicality over pleasure. Mary Beaudry in her more recent study of the âmaterial culture of needlework and sewingâ makes brief reference to the sewing skills of tailors, as well as merchant seaman and working-class boys, but contends that such sewing was motivated âboth by necessity and for pleasureâ.22 Yet, labour over leisure, employment before enjoyment, forms the subtext of any manâs needlework so as to not imperil his fragile masculinity by calling it into question through too close an association with the feminine.
Embroideries by sailors, one of the best-known types of needlework by men, have been dated by historians to c.1840â1900, the very period when embroidery became enduringly wedded to stereotypes of idealized femininity.23 Yet, as Bridget Crowley argues, for sailors, âtheir growing status as folk heroes apparently survived any accusation of âunmanlinessâ consequent upon this activity.â24 Hypermasculinity, then, could actively negate the feminizing associations of needlework. Victorian representations of the masculine labouring body, especially those of working-class men such as sailors, tended to emphasize male power through physical spectacle. Paradoxically, one of the few known images of a sailor embroidering, published in 1867 in The British Workman, a Victorian Temperance periodical aimed at the working classes, challenges this conventional conceptualization of Victorian idealized manhood (Figure 1.1). The sailor, in this wood-engraving, is posed like Parkerâs archetypal female embroiderer in a Victorian drawing room: âeyes lowered, head bent, shoulders hunchedâ.25 Equally he seems to embody Parkerâs equation of embroidery and enjoyment. In this vein, Crowley has further argued that âthe tradition of sailors embroidering for pleasure while at sea was strongâ and âjust as the sedentary, confined life of the middle-class Victorian woman is reflected in the static representations and minute stitches of her craft, so the characteristics of life at sea are reflected in the work of the seamanâ.26 Like Crowley, Janet West suggests that sailors probably used materials that were produced for domestic consumption and may well have shopped for Berlin wools.27 The sailor in this engraving is working a kit (which looks like a version of the popular Berlin woolwork âbirds of paradiseâ design), complete with the pre-designed canvas stretched in a tambour frame, with packs of wool on the table.
Figure 1.1 âJackâs Christmas Present.â The British Workman, no. 156 (2 December 1867): 141, © The British Library Board (LOU.LON 23).
A group of surviving embroideries by an English sailor, Capt. Garrison Burdett Arey, are known to have been made from âpaper patternsâ using popular Berlin wools. One depicting a Bird of Paradise (c.1865â9) (Figure 1.2) is strikingly similar to many of the designs sold to middle-class women, in the mid-late nineteenth century, for stitching at home. But another design by Arey, Jesus Blessing the Children, was apparently made after a painting he saw in Paris âwithout any formal pattern or designâ.28 Clearly Arey, who also painted (more conventional images of the ships on which he served), had artistic ambitions with needle and thread. Even so, there remains a resistance to accepting the relationality between the image of the embroidering Victorian housewife/damsel, explored by Parker in her book, and that of the hypermasculine sailor. The survival of Areyâs embroideries is unusual as menâs needlework generally goes unrecorded and uncollected. Few museums and galleries hold examples. Such embroiderers are, in terms of public display and discourse, not so much on the margins as beyond them. When an embroidery by a man surfaces it tends to be seen as completely unique.
Figure 1.2 Capt. Garrison Burdett Arey, Bird of Paradise, c.1865â9, woollen yarn on canvas, 21.5 x 27.5 in. (54.6 x 69.8 cm), Courtesy of the collections of the Museum of Old Newbury.
Most people would agree that the feminine culture of needlework, seen to embody a set of binarized clichĂ©s (soft, domestic, submissive, amateur), is wholly irreconcilable with masculinity, as defined by its own set of clichĂ©s (hard, social, virile, masterful). But this assumes all men are the same; that masculinity as a dominating hegemony is homogeneous.29 An example might illustrate the problem inherent in such assumptions. In the 1990s the American artist Elaine Reichek, one of the most influential embroiderers of modern times, embarked on a body of work that reflected on âmen who sewâ.30 Reichekâs Sampler (Hercules) (1997) brings together images of once-celebrated male embroiderers from history (Plate 1). At the centre is Hercules, the personification of heroic masculinity from classical mythology to todayâs popular culture (Disney released its Hercules animat...