Exceptional Me

How Donald Trump Exploited the Discourse of American Exceptionalism

Jason Gilmore, Charles Rowling

• Publisher: I.B. Tauris
• Year: 2021
• ISBN:
  9780755626960
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Politique et relations internationales
• Subtopic: Gouvernement américain

Donald Trump has forged a unique relationship with American exceptionalism, parting ways with how American politicians have long communicated this idea to the American public. Through systematic comparative analyses, this book details the various ways that Trump strategically altered and exploited the discourse of American exceptionalism to elevate not the nation, but himself personally, professionally, and politically. Jason Gilmore and Charles Rowling call this Trump's Exceptional Me Strategy and they document how it made Trump different from every president in modern American history. Beginning with the 2016 election, the authors show how Trump broke with tradition and instead of championing American exceptionalism, he actively portrayed the nation as an un-exceptional mess in need of a saviour. Placing blame at the feet of politicians-both Democrats and Republicans-for America's decline, Trump set himself up to be seen as the one person who could "Make America Exceptional Again." The authors then document how throughout his presidency and the 2020 presidential election Trump sought to convince Americans that he was the exceptional president, making the case at every turn how American exceptionalism had returned under his presidency and that he, and he alone, was to thank for it. Gilmore and Rowling illustrate how from the outset Trump's conception of American exceptionalism had almost nothing to do with the country's institutions, ideals, or its people.

1

American Exceptionalism and Presidential Discourse: A Framework

Today, by the grace of God, we stand a free and prosperous nation with greater possibilities for the future than any people ever had before in the history of the world.

—Harry Truman¹

In modern American politics, there are few concepts more stirring and so capable of inspiring large swaths of the American people as the idea of American exceptionalism. This notion that the United States of America is an exceptional nation, one that was placed on earth to guide the world out of darkness and one that is so distinct from any other country in human history that it should stand as the gold standard for the rest of the world to emulate, is an idea that predates the birth of the United States as a nation. From the beginning, this idea served to build national cohesion and social order among Americans, and, for many around the world, it meant that the United States was a beacon of hope and a nation that all others should aspire to be like. Indeed, as Deborah Madsen has suggested, those who left Great Britain did so with hopes of building a “redeemer nation” on the American continent, one that would “save the rest of the world from itself.”² Puritan settlers further believed that because they had established a society that shed the perceived structural flaws of the European styles of government and society, it would stand as a model for the rest of the world to follow. This idea was captured in the widely cited words of John Winthrop, then governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, who told his followers, “For we must consider that we shall be as a City upon a hill. The eyes of all people are upon us.”³ These early settlers were likely unaware of the life that this idea would take on in America after their passing. American exceptionalism was only just beginning to gain steam. Over time, it would become deeply embedded in the American psyche.

It should come as no surprise, then, that politicians have long celebrated American exceptionalism in their communications to the American people. Indeed, as the nation was being established, the Founding Fathers seemed to inherently understand the power that weaving a narrative about America’s special, exemplary, or even God-favored status could have on instilling a sense of unity and cohesion throughout the country during its early years. This was perhaps most evident in Thomas Jefferson’s first inaugural address, during which he proclaimed that America was the “world’s best hope.”⁴ Invocations of American exceptionalism since that time have been omnipresent in American politics, wielded by politicians, journalists, and community leaders from all walks of life to convey a sense of greatness and hope, adventure and individual opportunity, and, most of all, an unwavering, even divine, national spirit.⁵ Retelling, over and over, the mythical story of American exceptionalism has become a prominent and essential feature in American political discourse, often employed to appeal to voters,⁶ to garner public support for policies,⁷ and to inspire foreign populations to follow the United States’ lead on any given issue.⁸

The idea has been so pervasive in American politics that scholars, pundits, and politicians alike have routinely sought to assess the validity of American exceptionalism, wondering aloud whether this idea is verifiable in some measurable way.⁹ Some argue that there are some distinguishable characteristics that make the United States exceptional, such as its unique system of government,¹⁰ its unprecedented political power,¹¹ its dominant economic influence,¹² and its far-reaching international cultural impact.¹³ According to former vice president, Dick Cheney, and his daughter, Liz Cheney, there is no doubt:

Yes, we are exceptional… We have guaranteed freedom, security, and peace for a larger share of humanity than has any other nation in all of history. There is no other like us. There never has been. We are, as a matter of empirical fact and undeniable history, the greatest force for good the world has ever known.¹⁴

Others have taken a more nuanced position on the subject, suggesting that the United States is exceptional, but in both positive and negative ways.¹⁵ Still others have questioned whether the country is actually different—in any meaningful way—from other nations.¹⁶ More recently, some have gone as far as to argue that the “American Century”¹⁷ has passed and that the rise of other powers in the world—China, for example—has contributed to what political scientist and CNN analyst Fareed Zakaria has deemed “The Post-American World.”¹⁸ The true power of American exceptionalism, however, is found outside of these debates. What these arguments do not fully account for is that it matters little whether the facts empirically prove the United States to be exceptional or not—the idea of American exceptionalism resonates among the American public nonetheless.¹⁹ To them, the United States is exceptional not because it can be proven by some test or systematic comparison but because large swaths of the American people believe it to be true. This makes American exceptionalism a particularly potent rhetorical tool for politicians when speaking to the American people.²⁰ Politicians ignore this reality at their own peril.

The power and importance of this idea among Americans run deep and transcend ideological perspectives. For example, the Gallup polling firm found that a full 80 percent of U.S. adults agreed with the statement that the United States “has a unique character that makes it the greatest country in the world.” Furthermore, believing in America’s unique grandeur was tied to international attitudes. Specifically, 66 percent said that because of its exceptional status, the United States has “a special responsibility to be the leading nation in world affairs.”²¹ Similarly, the Public Religion Research Institute found strong support for a religion-based form of exceptionalism: almost 60 percent of Americans agreed with the statement “God has granted America a special role in human history.”²² More recently, a 2017 poll by Rasmussen found that 69 percent of likely voters believe that the “United States is more exceptional than other nations.”²³ In short, the idea of American exceptionalism is widely held among large portions of the American public. This sentiment is perhaps captured best in Stephen Colbert’s 2011 book America Again: Re-Becoming the Greatness We Never Weren’t when he said, “America is the greatest, freest, bestest nation that God ever gave man on the face of this earth.”²⁴

Presidents have historically been seen by the American public as the foremost champions of American exceptionalism and, therefore, those who should most adamantly defend it on behalf of the American people.²⁵ This idea—that the United States is a singular, superior, or even God-favored nation—is one that US presidents have long depended on to garner national support for policies, to unify the nation, and to forge its dominant path in global affairs. Scholars suggest that US presidents are highly strategic when and how they communicate powerful ideas like American exceptionalism.²⁶ For instance, presidents tend to invoke this idea in major addresses to the nation when they are attempting to rally the American people around a specific cause or issue.²⁷ Furthermore, research has shown that presidents tend to invoke American exceptionalism more frequently and prominently in times of national uncertainty—war and economic recession.²⁸ This occurs as presidents seek to reassure the American public and instill confidence that the nation will overcome its hardship. Presidents, therefore, tend to be quite creative when they speak of American exceptionalism, celebrating everything from its unique institutions and “hardest working” people, to its symbolic status as global leader and a beacon of hope for the rest of the world. As a result, many Americans have come to expect—even demand—that presidents not only invoke this idea but fully embrace and celebrate it in their public communications. Indeed, it is often seen as a measure of their patriotism.²⁹ The story of American exceptionalism in modern presidential politics, however, is one that has evolved over time and in relation to the changing world order. While all US presidents have put forth their own vision of American exceptionalism, their purposes and reasons have changed.

American Exceptionalism Catches Fire

On September 1, 1945, the nation gathered around their radios to hear President Harry Truman report on the events at Tokyo Bay, where the United States was securing the surrender of the Japanese government, which served as the official end to the Second World War. President Truman’s speech to the nation sought to put the country on a new footing, one that would help the country move forward from the turmoil of the Second World War and reaffirm its renewed consecration “to the principles which have made us the strongest nation on earth.” He emphasized: “This is a victory of more than arms alone. This is a victory of liberty over tyranny.” He went on: “It was the spirit of liberty which gave us our armed strength and which made our men invincible in battle. We now know that that spirit of liberty, the freedom of the individual, and the personal dignity of man, are the strongest and toughest and most enduring forces in all the world.”³⁰ America’s position in the world had fundamentally changed and Truman was eager to announce it to the world. America, in his mind, had finally proven itself to be truly exceptional.

The end of the Second World War instigated a marked change in how presidents talked about American exceptionalism. Before the Second World War, presidents primarily understood and spoke about American exceptionalism in two principle ways. First, the United States was portrayed as a singular nation in that its form of government was unique or fundamentally different from that of any other nation on earth. Second, the United States was characterized as a beacon of hope for the rest of the world, serving as a model for others to emulate. Such sentiment, for example, was evident in the words of Abraham Lincoln; that is, the United States was the “last best hope of earth.”³¹ Franklin Roosevelt too echoed this idea: “The Almighty God has blessed our land in many ways. He has given our people stout hearts and strong arms with which to strike mighty blows for freedom and truth. He has given to our country a faith which has become the hope of all peoples in an anguished world.”³² Nonetheless, with regard to on-the-ground proof of America’s exceptional status in world affairs, the proverbial rubber had not quite met the road. Before the Second World War, the United States did, indeed, stand as a symbol of something different in the world, but it was not yet tested or proven. As a result, presidents tended to quietly speak of it. That, of course, would change.

American exceptionalism caught fire within the American imagination after the end of the Second World War. By not only emerging from the Second World War victorious but also less decimated by the war than the other world powers, the United States had begun to solidify its “exceptional” status on the world stage.³³ And there was now reason to believe that this had happened not by chance, but because of the unique principles and hope that America represented. US presidents, after the war, quickly expanded their rhetorical repertoire when talking about American exceptionalism. As before, they saw the country as unique and as a beacon of hope and inspiration for the rest of the world, but now presidents could speak confidently about the country’s relative global superiority and about how—because of its exceptionalism—it should stand as the world’s political and moral leader.³⁴ And within this context, American exceptionalism was becoming firmly entrenched within the collective consciousness of the American people.

America’s case for exceptional status, however, still had one competitor—the Soviet Union. And so, throughout the Cold War, it was incumbent upon US presidents to make repeated arguments about the legitimacy of American exceptionalism as a way of further differentiating the United States from its global rival. As the two countries battled for the hearts and minds of people throughout the world, US presidents leaned heavily on the appeal of American exceptionalism. In the words of John F. Kennedy:

[P]eople everywhere, in spite of occasional disappointments, look to us—not to our wealth or power, but to the splendor of our ideals. For our Nation is commissioned by history to be either an observer of freedom’s failure or the cause of its success. Our overriding obligation in the months ahead is to fulfill the world’s hopes by fulfilling our own faith.³⁵

Richard Nixon took this idea a step further:

Two hundred years ago this nation was weak and poor. But even then, America was the hope of millions in the world. Today we have become the strongest and richest nation in the world. And the wheel of destiny has turned so that any hope the world has for the survival of peace and freedom will be determined by whether the American people have the moral stamina and the courage to meet the challenge of free world leadership. Let historians not record that when America was the most powerful nation in the world we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions of people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism.³⁶

For Ronald Reagan—a self-proclaimed champion of American exceptionalism—there was, without a doubt, something unique about the United States that set it apart from the Soviet Union. Notably, Reagan consistently referred to the country as the “shining city on a hill,” emphasizing time and again that the United States—due to its unwavering commitment to freedom and dignity—would outlast the Soviet threat. Indeed, in his first inaugural speech, Reagan was uncompromising:

If we look to the answer as to why for so many years we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on earth, it was because here in this land we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we ...