Two Studies of Kinship in London

Raymond Firth

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2020
• Edition: 1
• eBook ISBN:
  9781000323412
• Topic: Economía
• Subtopic: Economía del desarrollo

In 1947 members of the Department of Anthropology at the London School of Economics, under the leadership of Professor Firth, made a study of kinship in a South London borough. More recently, to provide comparative material, Professor Garigue investigated kinship patterns among Italian immigrants in London. The results of these two pioneering studies are here presented, with an introductory essay by Professor Firth. This book is an important contribution both to the intensive study of modern urban society, and to the more technical discipline of kinship, especially the relatively neglected problems of bilateral systems.

KINSHIP ORGANISATION OF ITALIANATES IN LONDON

by
Philip Garigue and Raymond Firth

(1954)

III
KINSHIP ORGANISATION OF ITALIANATES IN LONDON

This study was undertaken specifically to provide comparative data for the South Borough kinship material by the investigation of Londoners of admitted immigrant origin and, therefore, possibly different kinship patterns. Choice fell upon the ‘Italian’ community. This included persons of Italian nationality, born in Italy or Britain, and persons of British nationality, born of parents or grandparents of Italian nationality.

To these categories the generic name of Italianates has been given for the purposes of this study.¹ This title does not represent a homogeneous group. It includes, on the one hand, recently immigrated Italians without kin in England and with little knowledge of English ways or language; and, on the other, Londoners having distant relatives in Italy, who themselves have never been there, and whose mother-tongue is English. The characteristic they all have in common, which brings them within the scope of this study, is the fact that, although they live in London, their kinship ties include relations with persons who live, or have lived, in Italy. They are persons for whom the Italian connection is significant.

¹ In Elizabethan England the word ‘Italianate’ was used in two senses, In the first place, meant that something had become Italian in character. Secondly, it meant something of Italian character, form, or origin. In this study it is the second meaning that is used.

The primary aim of the study was to provide comparative material for a non-immigrant oriented group, but the general description also shows the functions of the Italianate kinship organisation in itself.

The social background. Italians have been coming to London since the Middle Ages. Until the Reformation many bankers and merchants, architects, actors, doctors and surgeons, and clerics, in London especially, were of recognised Italian origin. With the Reformation, the Italians as a special group tended to disappear. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, however, they formed again one of the most numerous foreign communities in London. The elite among them were the political refugees who, like Mazzini, Antonio Parrizzi, or Gabriel Rossetti, influenced the intellectual life of the city. Besides these there were also a small number of merchants who represented important Italian commercial firms. The largest number of Italians, however, were those employed as labourers, servants, or cooks; or the players of barrel-organs, or vendors of ice-cream, who became so familiar in London streets.

While certain districts of London, such as Soho and Clerkenwell, have for a long time had a high density of Italianates among their population, Italians have spread into every borough since the nineteenth century. By 1940, Italianates had come to occupy a preponderant position in the catering trade; they were important in the hotel business; and there were few major shopping centres in London without an Italian restaurant or grocer. Italianates, however, were not limited to these occupations, and Italian names were to be found in almost every trade or profession.

The high frequency of contact, and the large number of associations and other services run by Italianates for other Italianates, make it possible to talk about an Italian community in London. The immigration of Italians had always been large enough in the modern period to more than replace those who returned permanently to Italy, and those—perhaps few—who had become assimilated.² The preference of these immigrants for each other’s company had been one of the predominant characteristics of the Italianates. Before the end of the nineteenth century, the Italian community had its own church, hospital, and schools. A number of economic, political, and leisure associations were also started which helped to maintain and even to increase this community feeling. The association of Italian ice-cream vendors, for instance, had 4,200 members in 1933, and the Italian Co-operative Club had 1,230 members in the same year. Clubs were also formed linking together persons who came from the same region in Italy. These provided their members with weekly social evenings, or annual dinners or dances. With the rise of fascism, a branch of the ‘Fascio’ was opened in London, which had a youth group and several other sections.

² Assimilation involves changes in the language, food habits, interior aspect of the home, leisure activities, frequency of travel to Italy, education of children, and religious life. These distinguish Italianates from persons of English descent. But assimilation also often means change of name, break from parental and other kin ties, and neglect of former cultural links.

The coming of the Second World War brought about the disintegration of this community. Nearly all its associations were closed down, and their premises taken over by the Custodian of Enemy Property. The Italianates of British nationality were called up for military service and many of the Italianates of Italian nationality were interned. Kinship ties were placed under great stress, not only by the separation of kin living in Italy and in Britain, but also by differences in national allegiances and political loyalties. In some households, for instance, one brother was interned while another was called up to serve in the British Army. In other households, the son was called to serve in the British forces while the parents were told to report weekly to the police, or even taken into internment. Some Italianates of British nationality preferred to go to gaol rather than fight against their Italian kin.

When the Badoglio Government joined the Allies in 1943, many of the regulations against Italians were lifted. A volunteer pioneer company was formed in the British Army of Italianates who had been in internment. By the end of 1945, the Custodian of Enemy Property had returned much of the property owned by Italians; soon after 1946 they were again allowed to leave Britain to visit their relatives in Italy; and by 1950, the Italian community had reorganised once more, associations were reactivated, or new ones replaced those which had been closed down in 1940. Finally, Italian immigration into Britain was allowed once more.

The final demographic position is not at all clear. In 1933 members of the Italian community in London published a guide-book containing an alphabetical list of 2,906 persons of Italian origin (Guida degli Italiani a Londra, Ercoli & Sons Ltd., London, 1933). The persons listed were mostly heads of households. Hence, it is reported that a large number of Italians were not included. Practically no persons were included who were of Italian descent but not of Italian origin, i.e. not born in Italy. Since then, the coming of the Second World War, with the return of Italians to Italy and subsequent post-war immigration, has changed the position of the Italian community in London. It is estimated by official Italian sources that there were about 30,000 persons of Italian nationality in the United Kingdom in 1925. That number steadily increased during the period of the two world wars. After the Second World War just over 30,500 persons of Italian nationality came to the United Kingdom, and 900 returned to Italy, leaving a balance of nearly 30,000 new immigrants between the years of 1947 and 1953. Most of the new immigrants went to places outside London, but it is estimated that the great majority of Italians reside within Greater London.

At the present time one main characteristic of the Italian community in London seems to be an emphasis on cultural differences between Italianates and other Londoners. Many Italianates are convinced that having an Italian name may be basis enough for some discrimination to be directed against them, even if they are of British nationality and speak English as their mother-tongue. While no special effort was made in this study to determine the extent of this discrimination, there is no doubt about its presence. It is also equally certain that there is a high preference among Italianates for each other’s company. While both these factors must be seen in relation to the personality, social status, knowledge of English ways, and personal history of the Italianate, the operation of discrimination, as well as that of preference, makes most Italianates aware of their ‘Itdianità or background of Italian culture. Integration of Italians into English society is very slow; it probably does not become fully effective before the third generation.

Kin and status. Within the Italian community, social status depends upon a number of factors, which in combination help to give to the community its characteristic structure. Individual position seems to be dependent on a combination of: (a) occupation and wealth; (6) membership and/or position in an official Italian organisation such as the Embassy, the Consular Service, the Italian Cultural Institute, and the official Tourist Agency; (c) membership and/or position in the various non-official organisations, such as the Italian Catholic Church, and the many clubs; and (d) secondary factors, such as education and status of kin in Italy.

Summarised briefly, the Italianates in London can be divided into three main categories, the last of which is further subdivided. These are based primarily upon occupational stratification, but persons in each of them tend also to form a social group.

1. Higher status category: persons heading the various official or non-official organisations, and the prosperous professional men in London as heads of important firms, or as lawyers, doctors, and university professors.

2. Middle status category: employers, such as restaurant owners and hotel proprietors, and those who run a small business, importing firm, or craft-manufacturing firm.

3. Lower status category: skilled and unskilled non-professional workers, such as craftsmen, domestic workers, manual labourers, etc. They can be divided into two sub-groups or sets: (a) Those of British nationality, who are of second generation or later in London, but who retain certain contracts with the Italian community through their membership of the Italian Catholic Church, or through the fact that they send their children to Italian schools. They mainly constitute the workers of higher skills, (b) Recently arrived immigrants, who are here on a work permit, and who may have no...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Series Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Acknowledgements
• Contents
• I. Introduction
• II. Kinship in South Borough
• III. Kinship Organisation of Italianates in London
• Bibliography