1Re-examining the existence of the âvelvet ghettoâ and the âglass ceilingâ
Examining the status of American women in public relations a generation later
Donald K. Wright
Introduction
The public relations (PR) industry has been concerned with matters of gender diversity for decades. In the United States, much of this interest began more than 40 years ago when the foundations of two of the worldâs largest and most successful professional societies commissioned major research studies on the subject.
One of these was funded by the International Association of Business Communicators (IABC) Foundation and became known as the âvelvet ghettoâ report (Cline, Masel-Walters, Toth, Turk, Smith & Johnson, 1986), while the other was supported by the Public Relations Society of America (PRSA) Foundation and was referred to frequently as the âglass ceilingâ report (Wright, L. Grunig, Springston & Toth, 1991). These major studies, plus research conducted by Theus (1985), Broom & Dozier (1986), L. Grunig (1988), Dozier (1988), Creedon (1991), Hon, L. Grunig & Dozier (1992), Toth & Grunig (1993) and Wrigley (2002), formed the basis of a considerable amount of research studying gender issues in the United States public relations during the 1980s and 1990s.
These works stimulated all sorts of discussion and additional research about gender and public relations practice, including concerns from one noted practitioner that women were in the process of inheriting the profession (Bates, 1983) and a series of other thoughts suggesting the public relations industry was being âhurtâ by having too many women practitioners (Bernstein, 1987).
This gender research shed light on a number of concerns being faced at that time by women in the public relations industry; particularly, three major areas were cited. They were salary discrepancies between men and women, differences between the specific kinds of public relations work men and women were being asked to perform â more women functioning in communication technician roles and more men performing as communication managers and executives â and concerns that men held an unusually high percentage of the truly senior-level positions in American public relations.
The purpose of this chapter is to review gender research studies about American public relations in the 1980s and 1990s and then report on the current status, examining gender inequities in American public relations based upon salary, division of work, and the percentage of women now holding senior-level positions.
During much of the 1980s and 1990s, data indicated about 55 percent of those practicing public relations in the United States were male and about 45 percent were female. According to PR Week, the US gender division in 2015 was 70 percent female and 30 percent male.
Literature review
According to Toth (1988), the IABC âvelvet ghettoâ study worked off three assumptions. Firstly, women working in the public relations industry were more likely than men to perceive themselves as âtechniciansâ rather than as âmanagers.â Secondly, even when other variables were controlled and both men and women were performing similar public relations work, women were paid substantially less than men. Thirdly, female-dominated occupations have diminished salary and status when compared with male-dominated occupational groups. Other public relations scholars of the same era reported similar findings (Wright et al. 1991, Theus, 1985; Broom & Dozier, 1986; L. Grunig, 1988; Dozier, 1988; Hon, L. Grunig & Dozier, 1992; Toth & L. Gruinig, 1993; Wrigley, 2002).
Reporting on the IABC âvelvet ghettoâ studyâs results, particularly on the differences between female-dominated and male-dominated industries, Taff (2003) found little overt management and salary bias against women working in public relations but did report the existence of significant gender-based salary gaps. This study also found a âsocialization processâ was working against women, resulting in many self-selecting into technician (as opposed to managerial) occupational roles. Two noted public relations educators reported similar findings in a research project exploring the âvelvet ghettoâ in PR education (Zoch & Russell, 1991).
Workâlife balance
More recent research emphasizing gender and public relations has focused on the topic of workâlife-balance. A study by Aldoory et al. (2008) found both men and women generally believe balancing work and family is a âwomanâs issue.â This research also found some of the female focus group participants (but none of the male respondents) blamed women for âmaking it harder on women.â Some of the women in this study apparently resigned themselves to the belief there was no such thing as a workâlife balance. Additionally, both male and female participants in this study mentioned a perceived need to enact masculine career qualities, while both expressed the need for women to be more responsive to motherhood and civic engagement.
Salary differences
According to Taff (2003), women in the US national workforce were paid 73 cents for every one dollar paid to a male counterpart in 2000. These financial inequities most certainly appear to have been carried over into public relations practice. As Hon (1992) and others have pointed out, career-long salary differences between men and women working in public relations can surpass $US 1 million. Toth & Cline (1989) reported the existence of what they called âunmitigated gender differences in median and mean salariesâ between men and women working in the public relations industry.
Scholarship suggests the barriers faced by women run considerably deeper than financial ones (Hon et al., 1992). Dozier, Sha & Shen (2013) report that US households headed by women are significantly more likely than other kinds of households to be living below the federal poverty level. They also suggest the gender pay gap in public relations is impacted by other factors, including women having less professional experience than men, women tending to function in communication technician roles vis-Ă -vis male-dominated managerial communication roles and women being much less active than men in organizational decision-making, which is significantly related to income.
Women in public relations leadership
Another important historical difference between women and men working in public relations involves the reality men are more likely than women to serve in positions of organizational leadership; however, this might be changing. Based on membership in the Arthur W. Page Society (an organization advancing the executive role of corporate public relations managers), women appear to be moving into public relations executive positions at a faster pace than men. In 1991, only six percent of Pageâs members were women, but that important statistic had grown to 44 percent by 2015. However, as reported in PRWeek, women continue to be paid less than men, especially at the executive level.
Other factors
Most of the early academic scholarship studying gender in American public relations was based upon surveys and interviews with members of the IABC and/or the PRSA. Both of these professional associations have membership numbers of about 22,500, but the majority of them are mid-to-lower-level public relations practitioners. PRSA is headquartered in New York, and IABC is based in San Francisco.
As we have pointed out previously (Wright, 1995, 1998), other research studying occupational roles in public relations has identified the role of communication executives, most of whom have direct access to the C-suite and, in many cases, report to corporate CEOs. These public relations people operate at a much more senior level than that reported in the PRSA and IABC role studies.
Closely linked to the expansion of PR occupational roles to include the communication executive role is the fact that public relations practice today incorporates much more than media relations, an important part of public relations practice that somewhat dominated the field three or four decades ago.
Methodology
The studyâs methodology consisted of brief e-mail interviews with women holding truly senior-level PR/Comm. positions with Fortune 500 companies or major (top 25) public relations firms. All subjects were long-time members of the Arthur W. Page Society. The author of this chapter served more than 20 years on the Page Society Board of Trustees and was well known to the studyâs research subjects. Anonymity and confidentiality were promised to all research participants, and interviews were conducted with 18 subjects during February 2020. Not every subject answered every question. On average, participants in the study had spent 34 years working in various aspects of the public relations industry. Questions focused on gender equity, salaries, occupational role responsibilities, and perceived differences between the way women are treated as public relations executives vis-Ă -vis men.
Page considers itself the worldâs leading professional association for senior-level public relations and communications executives. The total membership numbers about 800 and consists of chief communications officers of global Fortune-ranked corporations, CEOs of the worldâs foremost public relations agencies, and distinguished academics from top business and communication schools. The societyâs mission is to strengthen the enterprise leadership role of the chief communications officer whilst its purpose is to unite the worldâs best communicators to transform business for the better.
Results
The results section reports on some, but not all, of the more meaningful comments collected during the interviews. The discussion section examines how the results of the current study differ from results of public relations gender research from a generation ago.