Debates on decolonisation of African higher education have evolved over time framed by various socio-economic and political imperatives. The discussion has also been embedded within different historical contexts of the region and the ongoing global transformations. Thus, in order to properly understand the conception of and ongoing debates on decolonisation, it is essential to analyse the historical trajectory of African higher education and its dynamic interactions with African societies. Understanding the historical context allows an in-depth perspective into present debates. The debates range from the initial call for the dismantling of colonial systems established on African territories, to the ideal of liberating institutions from their hegemonic Western ideologies, philosophies, and structures that marginalized African heritages and experiences. African universities were urged to revisit their curriculum to create spaces and resources for dialogue among all epistemological traditions and knowledge systems concerning what was being taught and how it framed the world. The objective of this chapter is, therefore, to provide a historical perspective on the debates of decolonisation, starting with a brief history of African higher education, the early discourses on Africanisation, and then the foundations for the emergence of the decolonisation debates.
Introduction
Discussions on decolonisation processes of higher education beg for a clear understanding of the historical trajectory of the sector itself, which necessitated the debate from the very outset. The origin of African higher education is a much debated phenomenon (see Abdi, 2005; Ajayi et al., 1996; Assie-Lumumba, 2006; Lulat, 2005; Mngomezulu, 2013). This debate is prompted, among others, by the fact that there is no consensus on the point of departure. As the chapter argues later, some authors trace the development of higher education in Africa to the precolonial era (Abdi, 2005; Mngomezulu, 2013). Others argue that African higher education institutions are products of colonial intervention (Ajayi et al., 1996). Whatever the point of emphasis, the reality is that African higher education cannot escape the debate on the legacy of colonisation still being felt decades after independence. Most current African higher education systems, programmes, curricula, degree structures, mediums of instructions, and organisational settings are based on colonial models. Moreover, their knowledge bases still maintain Eurocentric epistemological traditions that marginalize African perspectives. Thus, in order to properly understand the conception of and ongoing debates on decolonisation, it is essential to analyse the diachronical trajectory of African higher education and its dynamic interactions with African societies. Understanding the historical context allows an in-depth perspective into present debates.
It is important to underline the fact that the debates on decolonisation processes in Africa are not a new phenomenon; they have rather come to the fore in the period of independence. Initially, decolonisation referred to the political phenomenon of creating self-governing states (Mazrui, 2003). Nevertheless, the notion has rapidly expanded to incorporate a broad spectrum of issues related to colonial institutions, including their political, economic, and cultural aspects. The debates range from the initial call for the dismantling of colonial systems established on African territories, to the ideal of liberating institutions from their hegemonic Western ideologies, philosophies, and structures that marginalized African heritages and experiences. It is, however, important to bear in mind that discussions on decolonisation and decoloniality are not uniquely African.
Early debates on decolonisation in African higher education were framed within the notion of ‘Africanisation’ that calls for the inclusion of African perspectives into postcolonial African institutions. As explained by Makgoba (1997), Africanisation was taken as ‘a process of inclusion that stresses the importance of affirming African cultures and identities in a world community’ (p. 1). Since the 1980s, however, the debates have culminated in the search for a more structural and fundamental transformation of postcolonial institutions and their epistemic basis. Thus, the debates have extended both in-depth and breadth challenging the epistemological foundations, contemporary relevance, and representation of African perspectives among higher educational institutions in the contemporary knowledge systems.
Although the legacy of colonisation considerably influenced the decolonisation debate on higher education, the roles that postcolonial African institutions have played in the construction and production of knowledge since political independence have also held a significant share in postcolonial discussions. This is partly because the challenges of postcolonial African institutions have also been intrinsically linked to and embedded in ongoing global transformations. Thus, understanding the historical context of their establishment and their roles in the current global knowledge systems is imperative for any decolonisation debate.
The objective of this chapter is, therefore, to provide a historical perspective on the debates of decolonisation, starting with a brief history of African higher education, the early discourses on Africanisation, and then the foundations for the emergence of discussions on decolonisation. It is important to keep in mind, however, that this chapter does not cover the post – 2015 decolonisation discourses in South Africa, since other chapters in this book exhaustively reflect on that.
The emergence of higher education in Africa
The origin of African higher education is still a debatable subject as scholars are yet to agree on the point of departure for the history itself. Scholars have been debating whether the precolonial learning spaces in Africa can be considered as higher education (e.g., Ajayi et al., 1996). This is mainly because if the controversy over the meaning of ‘higher education’ in historical contexts and over what constitutes a ‘higher education system.’ It is quite convenient to define higher education within the historical context of the medieval European universities, which were institutionalized in the 17th century. The challenge, however, is how to conceptualize and explain higher education spaces abundantly available but not institutionalized outside the context of European experiences. Thorens (2006) for instance defines higher education as ‘an institution created or allowed by society and the state to participate in the development of knowledge and its dissemination through research and higher education for the welfare of mankind’ (p. 19). This definition implies that higher education exists only as an institution and has constant interactions with the state and the society. In one of his comprehensive books on higher education systems, The Higher Education System: Academic Organisation in Cross-National Perspective, Clark (1986) also explained the concept of higher education systems within the context of medieval universities. Clark argues that higher education systems are results of a triangle of forces: professional-collegial, state-managerial, and the market. The professional-collegial are the faculties, departments, and professors, who are part of day-to-day teaching, learning, and researching processes. They are considered autonomous in the process of knowledge production and own professional authority in their disciplines. On the other corner of the triangle, there is the state, which has political power and authority to direct the functions of universities. According to Clark, the third end of the triangle, the market, represents various stakeholders such as society, students, professional associations, employers, etc. These three entities of the triangle interact and negotiate with each other all the time, cooperating, or competing in policy processes. Clark also states that knowledge is the epicentre of the higher education system around which activities are organised. Clark's discussion was within the historical context of Europe and America as he presumably took nation states as the sole political authorities, disregarding other forms of political structures such as traditional kingdoms and endogenous organizational structures, which abundantly exist in African societies. According to him, in the absence of the above interactions among – institutions, state, and stakeholders – higher education systems do not exist.
Contrary, Ajayi et al. (1996); Assie-Lumumba (2006), and Lulat (2005) argue that higher education does not necessarily have to be institutionalized and they opt for a broader definition. They argue that higher education can also exist as an assembly of scholars, as a self-directed and independent learning space of peer-to-peer interactions serving the purpose of higher learning. They argue that, even though European models of higher education as an institution were non-existent during precolonial Africa, higher education as an assembly of scholars has already been in place since the 3rd century AD and indigenous forms of learning and transmission of knowledge had been there long before Western colonial hegemony. Within this line of argument scholars (see for instance Assie-Lumumba, 2006; Gennaioli & Rainer, 2007; Lulat, 2005; Michalopoulos & Papaioannu, 2013) extensively documented the genesis of African knowledge systems tracing back to various precolonial foundations that produced complex civilisations, and socio-economic and political institutions. Accordingly, early century African institutions including the various kingdoms, learning spaces like the library of Alexandria, Islamic institutions of North African, the 2,700 year-old tradition of Judeo-Christian education of Ethiopia with Ge'ez script are some of the examples cited as evidence for the existence of learning spaces in precolonial Africa. The University of Qarawiyyin in Fes in Morocco, founded in AD 859; the University of Al-Azhar in Cairo in Egypt, founded in AD 972; and Sankoré University in Timbuktu in Mali, traceable to the 12th century, constitute some of the oldest universities in the world.
Precolonial African philosophers including the ancient Egyptian philosopher Ptahhorep, the 17th-century Ethiopian philosopher, Zera Yacob (1599–1692); and the Senegalese philosopher, Kocc Barma (1586–1655) were also considered as products of such African foundations (Lange, 1987). Thus, the exclusive interpretation of higher education only within the context of medieval universities in Europe does not provide us with a comprehensive explanation of higher learning spaces in the Global South. Without a thorough understanding of diverse contexts, it is easy to leave with an inadequate analysis that may create the condition for ill-informed conclusions of historical facts and a self-sustaining cycle of misunderstandings and resentment.
Despite the discussions on the interpretations of higher education and their historical origin, however, there is a consensus on the fact that the current higher education systems in Africa are products of colonial interventions. By the end of 1885, after the Berlin Conference on the scramble for Africa, virtually all African countries were under the control of European colonial hegemony, which led to the introduction of European institutions among African societies. Even though a multitude of colonial powers including Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Portugal, and Spain have shaped Africa's roots of modern institutions including higher education, Britain and France played a dominant role and have a legacy on African higher education systems. The European model of higher education was introduced in Africa around the mid-19th century. Fourah Bay College was the first higher education institution established by colonial powers in Africa in 1827 in Freetown, Sierra Leone. The college was established by the Church Missionary Society of London as an institution for training African clergymen and schoolmasters. In the later years, more institutions were established; including the University of Cape Town (1829), Stellenbosch University (1866), University of Khartoum (1902), Cairo University (1908), University of Algeria (1909), Makerere University (1922), Egerton University (1939), University of Ghana (1948), University of Ibadan (1948) of Niagara, Addis Ababa University (1950), and University of Zimbabwe (1952).
It is crucial here to understand the context of their establishment for the decolonisation debate, since the historical emergence and purpose of these institutions were far from the very essence of higher education − the pursuit of knowledge and enlightenment of societies. Historically, the purpose of introducing higher education in the colonies was to train local ‘elite’ required for the smooth running of colonial administration (Ashby, 1961). As a result, only a handful of institutions established in the colonies and enrolments were open to a selected few. At the end of the 1960s, for example, Sub-Saharan Africa had only six universities for a population of 230 million people (Teferra & Altbach, 2004). The University of East Africa (serving Tanzania, Kenya, and Uganda) had a total of only 99 graduates for a combined population of 23 million in 1960 (Teferra & Altbach, 2004). Courses and curricula were also introduced to meet this colonial objective.
Lulat (2005) in his book ‘A History of African Higher Education from Antiquity to the Present: A Critical Synthesis’ comprehensively documented the programmes introduced in colonial institutions in Africa. According to Lulat, they were related to theology (to train local priests and pastors), language and cultural studies (mostly for interpreters), health assistants, and other technical disciplines including bookkeeping (to assist colonial administration). The interests of local Africans in the making and development of these institutions and programmes were neither reflected nor accommodated. Moreover, in most instances, where a significant number of European settlers existed, for example, in the Southern part of Africa, locals were significantly marginalized from accessing higher education institutions.
The British were the first to have relatively structured policies of education for their colonies (Ajayi et al., 1996). British colonial higher education policies were products of recommendations from various advisory groups under the supervision of missionaries, who used to serve as informants for colonial administration. One of the British colonial policies on higher education was crafted by Richard R. Madden based on a survey conducted on West African Colonies of Gambia, Sierra Leone, and the Gold Coast in 1941 (Commission, 1945). This policy was framed within the...