Russian National Culture
Under the term āculture,ā we understand the core values shared by a group, where a value is a preference for one situation over another (Hofstede, 2003, p. 10).
According to Hofstedeās framework, Russian culture is characterized by high power distance and uncertainty avoidance, a moderate level of collectivism and femininity (Bollinger, 1994; Fernandez et al., 1997; Elenkov, 1997). Added to this is a moderate albeit steadily increasing degree of long-term orientation. Highlighted is the trend ātowards investing in new ways of doing thingsā (Veiga et al., 1995, p. 22) and the hypothesis that personal relationships might in the future become āmore important than everā (Veiga et al., 1995, p. 25). Indeed, Elenkov (1997) reported a high propensity of Russians using social power and informal influence, as well as their openness to new ideas. He also noted an increase in individualism among younger generations.
Aycan et al. (2000) ranked their Russian sample high in paternalism, whereby superiors are expected to provide guidance, protection and care to subordinates in exchange for loyalty and deference. According to their study, Russians are very loyal towards community and highly fatalistic. While they possess a sense of obligation towards others, they do not seek much in terms of responsibility.
Alexashin and Blenkinsopp (2005) applied the Schwartz Value Survey approach (Holt et al., 1994; Ralston et al., 1997) and reported the growing importance of individual success and achievement demonstrating competence, the attainment of status and prestige, and controlling people and resources. Russians are also showing a steadily increasing score for pleasure or sensuous gratification, the search for excitement, novelty and challenge, as well as independent self-direction. They do not seem to conform to social expectations, traditions or security and harmony in relationships, despite their benevolence towards people they know well and moderate degree of universalism (Alexashin and Blenkinsopp, 2005). In contrast, Ralston et al. (2008) highlight low scores in terms of achievement and stimulation.
In general, the average Russian demonstrates a high level of caution or even fear, leading to the quest, desire and need for some type of protection. There is little inclination to take risks or pursue fun and pleasure, and greater acceptance for restricted novelty, freedom and independence. Uncommonly, the pursuit of wealth and authority is decoupled from innovation and creative endeavour. A strong orientation towards individual self-enhancement leaves less room for concern about equality, justice and tolerance, even for people within oneās immediate circle (Magun and Rudnev, 2010).
Based on Kluckhohn and Strodtbeckās framework (Woldu et al., 2006), Russians greatly appreciate continuous activity in order to accomplish tangible tasks. Above all, they carefully and rationally consider all aspects of a situation before taking any action. Regarding their relationship with nature, Russians prefer to adapt to the broader environment and strive to maintain a balance between its components. Since Russians see human beings as being ābasically evil,ā relationships within an extended group depart from moderate responsibility, and hierarchical power and responsibility are strongly pronounced.
Based on GLOBE data (Grachev, 2009), Russia is perceived as becoming an increasingly individualistic society. However, performance orientation remains poor. The roles of men and women in organizations appeared balanced after the collapse of the USSR, but the gender gap has recently been widening. Scoring relatively low in terms of assertive and confrontational communication, Russia is moving back to its traditional centralized model. Whereas in the 1990s the time horizon was very limited, the economic and social stability of the 2000s might have encouraged businesses to think more strategically. Though Russians have to accept uncertainty in practice, many would prefer order. A lack of social norms to protect the less fortunate explains Russiaās poor score on humane orientation. GLOBE Russian respondents wish society would reward individuals for being fair, altruistic, generous and kind to others (Grachev, 2009).
Prasnikar et al. (2008) ranked Russian managers as being highly particularistic and rather specific, with a clear separation between professional and private life. In addition, important differences in values can be observed between generations (Richards et al., 2012) and genders (Woldu and Budhwar, 2011).
Russian Culture and Organizations
Cultural values influence organizational practices through attitudes and behaviours. Thus, respect for the status of a Russian manager is directly linked to their autocratic and paternalistic style (Bollinger, 1994), as well as the importance of the balance of power. Employees depend on the manager, thus requiring the establishment of personalized relations (Temnitskii, 2006).
Within elitist Russian organizations, rules apply to the āordinaryā individual but not the boss (Prasnikar et al., 2008). Hence, when confronted with an ethical dilemma, āthe Russian group places more emphasis on the specific situationā (Robertson et al., 2003, p. 379). Moreover, Russians ātend to prefer more forceful decision alternatives resorting to business practicesā (Thelen and Zhuplev, 2001, p. 29). For instance, ānew Russian capitalists often see free pricing as an opportunity to apply unreasonably high prices as the only way to increase profitsā (Barnes et al., 1997, p. 544). Predictably, the adoption of foreign organizational and business practices increases perceived performance, while the Russian business culture has the opposite effect (Kobernyuk et al., 2013).
Since Russians āprefer adapting to the environment rather than trying to transform itā (Michailova, 2000, p. 102), anxiety about the future makes executives nervous, emotional and aggressive (Bollinger, 1994). āIn an environment in which laws are abrogated or changed almost daily, there are only two choices for a manager: either be totally immobilized by uncertainty or follow oneās own rulesā (Veiga et al., 1995, p. 25). Here, āoneās own rulesā are typically associated with taking high risks and making radical changes.
The collectivist dimension emphasizes loyalty, as with decisions based on personal relationships with managers (Bollinger, 1994). Personal ties become important where institutions are weak (Kostova, 1999), when the cognitive āpillarā compensates for the absence of normative and regulative āpillarsā (Puffer and McCarthy, 2007). Here, informal practices simultaneously support and subvert formal norms (Ledeneva, 2006). Hence, the distinction between putting oneās trust in people and putting oneās confidence in the social environment becomes critical (Sapsford and Abbott, 2006).
This has significant consequences for communication. In general, potential knowledge transmitters may choose to hoard their knowledge for fear of decreasing their own personal value. Within Russian organizations, there is high uncertainty regarding how shared knowledge is used, in particular the negative consequences of knowledge sharing with subordinates (Michailova and Husted, 2003). Formality is also important. Accordingly, quiescence is the Russianās default reaction to many problematic situations, which could potentially lead to radical oppositional reactions.
These particular dimensions of Russian culture and their co...