NOTES
Preface
1. Lind, âFirst Immigration Raids.â
2. Ibid.
Introduction
1. Following Nicholas De Genova, I invoke the term âmigrantâ as a disruption to what he names the âimplicit teleologyâ of immigrant, which both presumes a particular linear movement and frames migrants from the perspective of the âimmigrant-receivingâ nation-state. See De Genova, âLegal Production,â 161. I often use âMexicansâ as a broad term, to include Mexican nationals and US residents, regardless of residency status or citizenship. I am guided here by Eithne LuibhĂ©id, who reminds us that categories of citizenship and residency status are slippery. See LuibhĂ©id, âSexuality, Migration.â
2. Presented by his son Henry de C. Ward. As cited in Hearings Before the Committee on Immigration and Naturalization on Seasonal Agricultural Laborers from Mexico. 70th Cong., 1st sess., February 21 to April 1928. https://congressional-proquest-com.colorado.idm.oclc.org/congressional/result/congresultpage:pdfevent?rsId=16B9044E198&pdf=/app-bin/gis-hearing/c/8/7/7/hrg-1928-imn-0004from1to_805.pdf&uri=/app-gis/hearing/hrg-1928-imn-0004.
3. Hearings Before the Committee on Immigration and Naturalization on Immigration from Countries of the Western Hemisphere. 70th Cong., 1st sess., February 21âApril 5, 1928, 9.
4. Ibid., 26.
5. Quoted in Hearings Before the Committee on Immigration and Naturalization on Seasonal Agricultural Laborers from Mexico. 69th Cong., 1st sess., January 28, 29, February 2, 9, 11, and 23, 1926, 7.
6. Widely regarded as the act that closed the door to undesirable migration, the Immigration Act of 1924 had a monumental impact on most existing immigration patterns. With its imposition of quotas based on national origins, the act prioritized and sanctioned âwhiteâ immigrantsâparticularly British, Irish, and Germanâand precluded virtually all legal immigration from populations deemed, then and now, nonwhite. See, for instance, Ngai, âArchitecture of Raceâ; Putnam, Radical Moves, 82â122; Samhan, âPolitics and Exclusionâ; Yuill, âIn the Shadow.â Despite heated debate demanding that other populationsânamely, Mexicansâbe excluded or restricted as well, the act put no such limitations on the Western Hemisphere. For more, see Lee, âChinese Exclusion Example,â 52, and Ngai, âNationalism, Immigration Control,â 13.
7. For instance, in 1925, the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization considered a lengthy report on race and immigration from Latin America that concluded that Mexican and Latin American migrants introduced a racial reproductive threat akin to that of Blacks. See US Congress, House, Committee, Immigration from Latin America, the West Indies, and Canada.
8. US Congress, House, Committee, Seasonal Agricultural Laborers from Mexico, 31.
9. Ibid., 35.
10. Molina, How Race Is Made, 31â39. As Mark Reisler details, these characterizations of Mexicans had been circulating for several years. See Reisler, âAlways the Laborer.â
11. Scholars attribute the exemption of Mexican quotas to larger international concerns, suggesting that US relations with Mexico could be strained if quotas were placed on Mexico but not on Canada. See Balderrama and RodrĂguez, Decade of Betrayal, 18, and CalderĂłn-Zaks, âDebated Whiteness amid World Events,â 340. Such arguments reflect the national discourse of the time. For instance, national newspapers regularly reported that passage of the Box Bill and the related Harris-Box Bill would anger Mexico and complicate US relations with them. See, for instance, âMexican Immigration: Undersecretary Cotton Opposes Bill to Restrict Influx from Border Country,â Wall Street Journal, May 17, 1930, 3; âOppose Mexican Quota: Business Interests in Mexico, U.S. Launch Campaign Against Harris-Box Bill,â Wall Street Journal, May 28, 1930, 3; âQuota Bill Resented: Mexicans May Retaliate,â Los Angeles Times, May 18, 1930, 1. Still, advocacy for continued quota exemptions likely also turned on the prevalent narrative that Mexican migrants were not the reproductive threat articulated by Ward a...