Preamble to the Constitution (in part): “We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, . . . do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”
Article IV, section 4 (in part): “The United States will guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government.”
Most of the Founders, though not all, respected the common people even if they did not fully trust them. Because they were ambivalent about the political capacities of the common people, the Founders set out to build a republican form of government—not a democracy. Sorting out how the Founders felt about “the People” will help us understand why they favored republics and feared democracies.
The Founders believed that stable government rested on the consent of the governed, but most did not believe that the people could or should govern directly. The Constitutional Convention of 1787, which drafted the U.S. Constitution, debated the strengths and weaknesses of the people and the roles that they might play in government. One of the delegates most skeptical of the people was Alexander Hamilton of New York. On June 18, relatively early in the convention, Hamilton made a long speech in which he declared; “The people are turbulent and changing; they seldom judge or determine right.” Hamilton was not alone. John Dickinson of Pennsylvania and Delaware, in an extended debate on voter qualification on August 7, declared that, “the freeholders of the Country . . . [were] the best guardians of liberty; And . . . a necessary defence agst. the dangerous influence of those multitudes without property & without principle.”
Others took a more generous view of the people’s rights and abilities. In the same August 7 debate mentioned above, Benjamin Franklin favored a broad suffrage and “expressed his dislike of every thing that tended to debase the spirit of the common people.” Virginia’s George Mason called upon his colleagues to see the whole question of voting rights in a new light, warning that, “A Freehold is the qualification in England, & hence it is imagined to be the only proper one. The true idea . . . was that every man having evidence of attachment to & permanent common interest with the Society ought to share in all its rights and privileges.”
James Madison, as he so often did, sought the middle ground. The people, Madison thought, should have the responsibility for selecting local officials, state legislators, and members of the lower house of Congress; but then, in his famous phrase, the people’s choices should be subject to “successive filtrations” in search of the best men to serve in higher offices. Madison advocated popular election of members of the lower house of Congress, but no more. State legislatures would select U.S. senators, the Electoral College would select the president, and the president, with the advice and consent of the Senate, would select high officials of the executive branch, judges, ambassadors, and military officers.
Because most of the Founders doubted the people’s knowledge and judgment, they were opposed to democracy. They knew that democracy always had been defined narrowly to mean direct democracy—government immediately by the people themselves. Madison stated the distinction between democracy and republic in Federalist No. 14; writing that, “in a democracy, the people meet and exercise the government in person; in a republic they assemble and administer it by their representatives and agents. [Elected representatives] refine and enlarge the public views, by passing them through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best discern the true interest of their country.” Everyone understood that the new nation was too large to be a direct democracy, but they worried that the democratic elements of the new government, limited though they might be, could produce tumult.
Over the course of the Constitutional Convention, James Madison and others came to believe that a written constitution allowed institutions to be carefully constructed to limit and separate power, to allow officeholders to watch and check each other, and to define and secure the liberty of citizens. In this chapter, we see the Founders move tentatively toward independence, and then, after a period of instability, confront the complexity of building their republican form of government—what today, after 230 years and several critical constitutional amendments, we call a constitutional democracy.
The Founders were an educated, accomplished, confident elite wrestling with questions and problems that they knew were unprecedented. A few, like John Adams, James Madison, and Thomas Jefferson, were deeply read in ancient and contemporary European history and politics and most were broadly familiar with these topics. All knew that human history was the story of the powerful—chiefs and warlords, kings and tyrants—ruling the mass of common people as they wished and for their own benefit.
As late as the seventeenth century, European monarchs claimed to hold their thrones by “divine right,” by the will and gift of God. These powerful claims left common people with a fearsome choice: obey or resist and, in resisting, risk the wrath of the king and of God. Most chose obedience until oppression forced another choice: fight or flee. Those who fought always looked for arguments to justify and explain their resistance and those who fled often gained the space to think anew. The English colonies in North America provided such space in abundance.
In this chapter, we survey the European history and colonial political experience upon which the Founders drew when tensions with England forced them to ask what social, political, and economic systems would serve their interests and protect their individual rights and liberties. We describe their initial fumblings with state constitutions and the Articles of Confederation before turning to a more detailed consideration of the Constitutional Convention of 1787. The Constitution has been tested throughout our history and is again being tested today.