Everyday community practice in white settler nations also needs to grapple with Indigenous or First Peoplesâ understandings of âcommunityâ. In the Australian context, Indigenous communities understand place (land) and common interests (cultural practices) as entwined and equally significant, giving rise to another concept of community: culture community (Taylor, Wilkinson & Cheers, 2008, p. 47). Historically, professional practice in Australia has been top-down, âwhiteâ and experienced as oppressive by Indigenous Australians (Walter, Taylor & Habibis, 2011). Ife (2013) reminds us of the need for self-reflection in our practice, particularly in relation to racial privilege and how this shapes our work. It is important to note that many Aboriginal people reject imposed notions of âcommunityâ, particularly those constructed by non-Indigenous Australians for purposes such as funding or program delivery (Taylor et al., 2008). Understanding the Aboriginal kinship system, which draws on spiritual connection to country, is an important starting point for any work with Aboriginal people. The strength of Indigenous family and kinship bonds support an array of bottom-up strategies aimed at enhancing community wellbeing and development in fields as diverse as violence prevention, educational engagement and economic self-determination. Despite the obvious âfitâ between Aboriginal cultural practices and community development, these approaches have failed to gain policy traction, resulting in repeated âpilotsâ and short-term funding (Taylor et al., 2008). Kateâs observations, below, reveal that working with Aboriginal communities continues to be a field of significant challenge for everyday community practice, but is also a site in which we can build hope and reconciliation:
And making assumptions about it, particularly with the Aboriginal members of the community where someone will [say] theyâre Aboriginal therefore they suit generalisations of whatâs culturally appropriate and what people are comfortable with and I always find it interesting how the majority of Aboriginal people when asked have their own views . . . But just little things, like we did our cultural competence training and we were informed that to call female elders auntie, thatâs all well and good if they want to be, but weâve run an elders group and call people by what they want to be called, it shouldnât be . . . there are several members of that group that if I as a non-Aboriginal person who is not from [here] and not their relative call them auntie they would not accept that, they would not be okay with that. (Kate, community worker)
This discussion, we hope, points to the centrality of subjective understandings in the construct âcommunityâ, which, as Ife argues, is âfelt and experienced, rather than measured and definedâ (2013, p. 117). Accepting that community boundaries are not fixed but are produced symbolically (Cohen, 1985) creates exciting opportunities for our everyday community practice. In our work, we can create community narratives or tell the stories of a community, challenge unhelpful boundaries or create new forms of community. Regardless of the form of the community, the core of everyday community practice remains the social relations that bond people together (Taylor, 2015, p. 48).
It is a truism to say that work with communities is complex, but this statement also points towards some of the central questions we want to explore here. For the novice, work with communities can seem little more than common sense and quite straightforward. Very often we have heard students question whether working with communities requires anything more than good âpeople skillsâ; the ability to be pleasant over a cup of tea. Perversely, what might be viewed as best practice is performed in such a way that it appears simple! In this book, we argue that everyday community practice is in fact very complex. For us, taking a userâs guide approach to community work can easily overlook this complexity. Step-by-step or staged models of community development are helpful in making sense of what can seem like an amorphous and overwhelming task for new community workers. How do I work out a way into this community? What will help me start seeing what is going on? What kind of change is possible and what is my role? I canât even see a community here, how can I do community work? âHow-toâ models and approaches can provide some structure; a level of order and a strategy for making community work a bit more manageable. They can be a starting point for practice. Once you start feeling more confident in your practice, however, the certainties and predictability of a specific model start to be less helpful. You begin to notice that the complexities and diversity of community lifeâs dynamics, politics and rhythms donât fit so well into the framework. The questions that niggled from the beginning start getting louder: why doesnât the model fit? Why does this community seem different? Why is there only one way or approach? Why didnât things go the way the guide suggested? Is it really just a matter of following the ârulesâ more closely?
This is the point at which you realise that you have already started to improvise; you are starting to get a feel for how different communities work. This is the point at which everyday community practice begins. Bourdieu writes about watching sportspeople who lift their performance from excelling at technical skills to demonstrating a âfeel for the gameâ (habitus) that encompasses integration of knowledge and skills with creativity, improvisation and inventiveness (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990). In work with communities, as in sport, music or art, outstanding practice involves the seamless integration and demonstration of skills, knowledge, creativity, inventiveness, agility, tenacity and passion. Making sense of, and doing, everyday community practice, we argue, is essential if we want to develop a feel for the game. Does this mean we are in danger of promoting charismatic community work stars who thrive on individual prowess? Are we accidentally advocating individualised leadership in communities, reliant on the one or two people with a feel for the game, to carry community efforts? No, our position is that everyday community practice is something in which everyone can develop a feel for the game, as the game is diverse. In work with communities, we have found that this âfeelâ includes recognising the capacity and contribution of diverse community members, who also have or can develop a feel for the game.
In this book, we want to spend time attending to and exploring the shape, flavour, dynamics and detail of everyday community practice. Our purposes in writing the book are to start a dialogue, to provide some questions and ideas for reflection and to set down our learning to date about the ways in which everyday community practices shape change for social justice. We hope that some of the ideas are helpful for you as you deepen your work with communities in whatever context you find yourself practising.
Individual and collective ideas in practice
For the past two decades we have been living in a social context in which individual choice, identities, experiences and responsibilities have enjoyed an increasing pre-eminence in social policy, social media and society more generally (Leadbeater, 2004). A recognition that not everyone has the same needs, histories, circumstances or struggles has brought with it enormous benefits. The idea that a good life means individuals must have decision- making power, and that support and services should be flexible and tailored to individual strengths, needs and experiences, is surely a step in the right direction. We can start to see an end to a world in which you have to take what you are given and put up with whatever you can get, however inadequate or unsuitable it may be (Beresford et al., 2011). As systems are tinkered with or, in some cases, revolutionised, there is much to be gained, and in fact much has already been gained. What we may have lost, in trading the regimentation of collective experiences for individual choice as a consumer, is less clear, although a growing body of commentary and research views the shift to individual consumer choice as ambivalent at best and deceptive at worst (Prandini, 2018).
Recently I (Amanda) was nostalgically watching a TV program, trawling through the vaults of Countdown. I remember watching this show every week, as did most other kids my age with a TV in Australia. On Monday we would all share the knowledge of what was number one on the charts that week, along with our views of the merits of this song. At the time, I remember wishing we could access a greater variety of music and becoming annoyed that our experience of songs was almost wholly determined by what the host liked and promoted. Imagine, I often thought to myself, if you could watch music videos on demand and choose what you wanted to watch and when. I could see myself with boundless time being able to choose and enjoy music that was to my taste and not the program hostâs.
This is the world my generation imagined, and it is now the world we live in. Spotify and other apps mean I can rent and listen to an almos...