Introduction
Countless anecdotes are told featuring the status and surprise popularity of Thomas Piketty’s bestseller Capital in the twenty-first Century (from here onwards referred to as Capital)as ‘the publishing sensation of the year’ (Giles, 2014, May 24) and Piketty himself as a rock star economist’. Wade (2014), for instance, notes that The Economists’ Bookshop, next to the London School of Economics, says it has never sold so many non-fiction hardbacks in the first months of publication. The nearest competitor is Stephen Hawking’s ‘A brief history of time, from 1988’ (p. 1069). Tapping into and further stimulating interest in socio-economic inequality, Piketty caused much controversy not least with his economic policy proposals, earning himself some depreciating portrayals as a ‘self-proclaimed socialist’ and ‘inequality messiah’. This paper investigates the print media discussion of Piketty’s policy proposals and the argumentative and linguistic resources used particularly by authors negatively disposed towards them. Using a social semiotic and critical discourse approach, the paper looks at these articles by linking journalistic meaning-making strategies to larger economic and ideological discourses.
Capital in the twenty-first century and the Piketty debate
Capital in the twenty-first Century is the result of 15 years of academic research carried out by Thomas Piketty and colleagues, revolving around the evolution of long-term wealth and income inequality. Starting with France, Piketty, in collaboration with colleagues such as Anthony B. Atkinson and Emmanuel Saez, studied the historical development of income and wealth distribution using data from tax statistics of over 20 countries. The main empirical contribution of this approach is to lay bare the U-shaped long-term development of wealth and income inequality. Both have been high at the end of the nineteenth century with 40% to 50% of income and 80% to 90% of wealth concentrated in the hands of only 10% of society. After a period of lower concentration between 1914 and 1970 (the ‘golden age of capitalism’), wealth and income inequality are on the rise again since the 1980s. Those developments, according to Piketty and Saez (2014), by no means originate from natural circumstance: ‘[...] economic trends are not acts of God, [...] country-specific institutions and historical circumstances can lead to very different inequality outcomes’ (p. 838). In other words, the magnitude of the wealth and income concentration is largely influenced by political processes, different forms and levels of taxation as well as period-specific Zeitgeists.
The central message particularly emphasised in Capital then is that if current trends continue, the future distribution of wealth and income will resemble that of the beginning of the twentieth century, a period which Piketty (2014) refers to as a ‘society of rentiers’ (p. 276) and a ‘society of supermanagers’ (p. 278), as social status depended almost solely on wealth and inheritance rather than on work and personal achievements. This not only jeopardises the collective imaginary of meritocratic ideals which western democratic societies are supposedly built on, but also puts the legitimacy of prevailing forms of liberal democracy at risk (Piketty, 2014).
Particularly relevant for the article at hand are the policy proposals that Piketty (2014) lays out in the last part of his book. Tackling the threats that the supermanagers and rentiers as the ‘enem[ies] of democracies’ (p. 422) pose to modern societies, Piketty proposes to reform current forms of taxation as a means of redistribution and end the inegalitarian spiral of wealth and income concentration. He proposes top income taxes of 80% starting from annual salaries of €500.000 and above. Further measures proposed are minimum wages and a re-regulation of the financial system. Regarding wealth inequality, Piketty envisions a global capital tax of 1% or 2%, although he recognises the obstacles to its implementation.
A first signifier of the popularity and controversy of the book in the academic world is the 1300 citations on google scholar by journal articles and working papers since its release in May 2014. Other indications of the impressive impact of Capital in academia are symposia which several leading international journals in and outside of economics have published on the book.2 Within communication sciences and political economy of the media, Preston (2016) and Fuchs (2014) provide longer standalone articles on the book. King (2017), in his survey of the post-Piketty literature, shows that the supporters and critics are many and various. Particularly relevant for the present article is the intense criticism that has been voiced especially against policies proposed by Piketty. Main lines of criticism argue that his proposals are a) politically unrealistic, naïve and impractical, b) undesirable as they reduce the dynamics of capitalism and thus adversely affect rich and poor alike, c) unnecessary because alternative policies will produce the desired effects and, finally d) insufficient as they leave capitalism unchallenged or inadequately reformed.
Besides its reception in academia, Capital has also been described as a ‘media event’ as the book and the issue of socio-economic inequality has been reviewed and discussed numerous times in blogs, newspapers and online media. Wade (2014) suggests that an important factor for the high interest is the timing of the book’s publication as it falls in the changing debate after the 2008 crisis where issues of inequality, secular stagnation and the current trajectories of capitalist developments have become more prominent.
Despite the indisputable popularity and comparatively wide-spread debate on Capital, the reception and assessment in mass media seems rather hostile. Previous research on the media coverage of the Piketty debate points to a reserved but in overall positive reception when it comes to the issue of inequality in general, yet rather reluctant to even overtly dismissive reporting on his policy proposals (Bank, 2015; Bank, 2017; Grisold & Theine, 2018). Bank (2015), for instance, argues for mediation of Capital: ‘[B]ut the intensity with which Piketty’s book has been pulled to pieces in Germany is telling more about German economists and the German business journalism rather than about Thomas Piketty and his efforts’ (Bank, 2015, p. 31, translated by authors).