1.1 Australia’s Worst Bushfire Season, 2019–2020
In January 2020 there were abnormally intense bushfires raging all over the Southern Continent. Many properties and 33 human lives were lost. 12.6 million hectares of bush were destroyed, 431 million tonnes of carbon dioxide were released into the atmosphere, Australia’s largest cities were blanketed in smoke, and a Conservative estimate of one billion bush animals died.1 Professional, volunteer, and military firefighters were hard-pressed, at the same time, all over the country.
Australia—where I live—is prone to fire, but records have never seen a bushfire summer like this.2 Since British settlement, we have not seen this semi-arid continent dried out and heated up like this, over a period of years, resulting in this crisis.3 The penny is starting to drop—particularly among the young—that climate change is not some distant fantasy, but a very real and present danger.4 Australian fire chiefs are also deeply aware of this problem.5
Yet, Australia’s Prime Minister during the 2019-2020 fire season, Mr Scott Morrison, firmly denied that these fires signalled any climate change policy failure by his or previous Australian governments.6 This defensive response was not surprising as the 2019 national election was won by Mr Morrison, assisted by the Murdoch press, staunchly backing the opening of what is likely to become the globe’s largest open-cut coal mine.7
The Morrison government resolutely supports the mining and exporting of Australia’s enormous coal deposits, even though there is a clear causal link between carbon dioxide emissions from coal-fired power stations and global warming.8 A strong alliance between the primary resource sector, the mass media, and Australia’s two central political parties has a long back-story in Australia, well predating the twenty-first century.9 There was nothing particularly unusual when, before the 2019 election, the media was full of stories about environmental extremism and the need for a strong mining sector to provide jobs for Australians. The facts that there will not be many jobs and, as far as the human causes of climate change go, coal-fired power stations are the worst offenders, were irrelevant to the winning political narrative of the 2019 election.10 On a platform of sound commercial sense, jobs for regional Australia, and national economic interest, the Morrison government never wavered from its firm commitment to fuelling the heavily air-polluting coal-fired power stations of Asia.11
Currently (in 2020), over 500,000,000 metric tonnes of coal is mined in Australia each year, all of which is burnt, which clearly increases the large amounts of carbon dioxide entering the globe’s dangerously overheating atmosphere.12 Australia produces enough coal to burn each year for more than four Australias,13 but somehow Australia’s substantial export contribution to promoting global climate change does not show up in the Morrison government’s unambitious and trickily accounted emissions reduction targets.14 The huge volume of atmospheric carbon dioxide released by our enormous bushfires does not show up in Australia’s emission calculations either.
Regionally, Oceania leaders at the 2019 Pacific Island Forum implored Mr Morrison to ease off the climate change accelerator as low-lying island nations are disappearing into the Pacific already. Mr Morrison, a passionate Pentecostal Christian, told the Islander leaders that whilst he stands by them “as family”, he is committed to the economic welfare of Australians before anything else—surely they must understand that.15
Mr Morrison shows every sign of a genuine, compassionate concern for traumatised Australians who have lost all their possessions in the 2019–2020 fire season. Yet, he shows no signs of ecological grief when our reefs die, when extinctions multiply, when the arctic melts, and when California, the Amazon basin, and Australia burn.16 Supporting prevailing economic and commercial necessities are more important to the Australian Prime Minister than any serious attempt to address climate change by actively re-configuring our power generation technologies, let alone reducing, then stopping, Australian coal exports.
The three top messaging and policy priorities for the Morrison government are 1) a strong economy; 2) safety from terrorists, illegal immigrants, and the COVID-19 pandemic; and 3) national pride. Mr Morrison’s background in marketing stands him in good stead as a successful political leader. He does not deviate from this messaging in promoting his political brand. As a result, he is committed to providing certainty for the mining sector in Australia as their prosperity (and royalties for government coffers) is the central pillar of his first political priority. Climate change is a public relations concern that he must manage, but it is off the main game to him. Indeed, if it interferes with mining royalties, it is a public relations enterprise that must be firmly positioned beneath economic necessity.
In Australia, religion, as an indicator of Conservative political tendencies, only seems accidentally aligned with the commercial interests of the fossil fuel sector. Prime Minister Morrison happily expresses religious sentiments when communicating his personal convictions, but his sharp political pragmatism, his calculative electoral realism, and his government’s close ties to the mining sector, are neatly cordoned off from his personal faith. To Mr Morrison, politics is public and religion is private, so how could theology have any real influence on climate change policy in Australia?