J. G. BALLARD, A.K.A. SHANGHAI JIM
DISCLAIMER
In a review of John Baxterâs problematic biography, Roz Kaveney writes:
J. G. Ballard would not have liked the idea that he could be summed up in a standard âlife and works.â He was far too savagely pessimistic a Futurist to welcome the inevitable explanation of his work and life in mutually reductive terms of each other. ⌠On the other hand, much as Ballard disliked the process of having his portrait painted, he liked the sense of having been captured. Although he played off potential biographersâincluding John Baxterâagainst each other, and never committed himself to any, it is possible he would have welcomed a biography in the same spirit as a portraitâpart of the due paid by the world to a writer who had forced it to see things through his eyes, at least some of the time.
Likewise does Simon Sellars express misgivings about a biographical effort in his introduction to Extreme Metaphors, the most comprehensive collection of Ballardâs interviews to date. In the first few pages, Sellars collates a series of chronological âfactsâ that form a âpotted historyâ in order to show how Ballardâs âcareer is almost impossible to summariseâ given the variable nature of his writing (xiii).
In reality, if your first introduction to Ballard is by way of, say, his short story âThe Drowned Giant,â then you might think you have stumbled on to a master magical realist in the Swiftian tradition. If Crash is the initiation, then you might think twice before proceeding further, unless your palate is already sufficiently developed with a taste for the blackest intellectual meat. And what if your introduction is via one of the many interviews he gave across the arc of his career? (xiii)
Kaveney and Sellars arenât alone. While certain themes, motifs, images, and characterizations run the gamut of his library, Ballard does seem to spread himself all over the map, exploring a wide diversity of subject matter and evolving across different physical, social, and psychological landscapes. In a sense, this chapter is doomed to failure. As fun as it would be, I will not attempt to biograph Ballard in the vein of, say, a surrealist montage. Nor will I make any unfounded claims or speculations about his personality, desires, emotional condition, and so on, as Baxter does in his biography.
Ballardâs fictional autobiographies, Empire of the Sun and The Kindness of Women, have been mined as codings for his science fiction as well as documents of his real life. They both take significant liberties. Andrzej Gasiorek calls them âteasing explorations of narrative form as much as they are accounts of the writerâs lifeâ (19). Ballard himself has said that the books are largely inventions. Even his ârealâ autobiography, Miracles of Life, wears the grin of the sphinx. That said, Ballard didnât live in Pynchonesque obscurity. He was a private man, even a reclusive man, like many professional authors with robust work ethics who do their writing from home. He wasnât inaccessible, however, and he didnât experience the deep sense of isolation that affected many of his protagonists, whose actions and desires, he once said, have ânothing to do with any quirks of my ownâ (âInterview,â Goddard and Pringle 25).
I have appropriated the alias in the title of this biographical chapter, Shanghai Jim, from the 1991 BBC biopic that casts Ballardâs work against the background of his origins in China and expatriate residency in England. The film documents his first and only return to Shanghai, and he figures prominently in it. Combining names that belong to two distant and very different cultures (in other words, the names of a decidedly non-Western city and a definitively Western male), the title substantiates Ballardâs self-confessed feelings of alienation and unbelonging that punctuated his life and fiction. He never felt at home in England and had a strong distaste for British culture. And, as he concluded in the biopic, he thought of Lunghua Camp, where he was interned during the war, as his real home, the place âto which Iâve always referred in my imagination.â
BIRTH AND PARENTS
James Graham Ballard was born on November 15, 1930, in Shanghai, China. His father, also named James, and mother, Edna, were English natives, but work brought James Sr. to China shortly before the birth of their son and, in 1937, the birth of their daughter, Margaret, James Jr.âs only sibling.
Ballard profiles his parents in Miracles. They met on holiday in the 1920s in northwest Englandâs Lake District, the picturesque stomping ground of the Romantic poets. His father held a degree in chemistry and worked for the Calico Printers Association, a British textile company based in Manchester that specialized in cotton production and goods. The year after their marriage in 1929, he transferred to Shanghai to run the CPAâs overseas operation, the China Printing and Finishing Company. It paid well. At the time of the registration of James Jr.âs birth, the Ballards lived in a modest apartment inside the expatriate International Settlement, but they soon moved into a large, three-story house at 31A Amherst Avenue outside the settlement. They enjoyed many bourgeois amenities, including ten Chinese servants, a cook, a chauffeur, and a country club. This was in dire contrast to the native Chinese living in greater Shanghai, thousands of whom were impoverished and homeless. There were some wealthy Chinese, Japanese, and multinational gangsters, but the poor far outnumbered them, incessantly replenished by the influx of refugees from greater China. Ballard calls Shanghai âa media city before its timeâ (Miracles 5). Among his most vivid memories is the great divide he witnessed between rich and poor, excess and dearth, glitz and misery, even though as âa small boy aged 5 or 6,â he wrote, âI must have accepted all this without a thoughtâ (14).
In The Inner Man, Baxter says that Ballard had a bad relationship with his parents, who were indifferent to him. âWith infant mortality high, it didnât pay to become too attached. Also, James and Edna were still young and enjoying their privileged life. They took little notice of Jim, meeting his numerous irritating questions with a blank stare and silence. His status, he wrote bitterly, was somewhere between a servant and the family Labrador, and even the servants never looked him in the eyeâ (11). As with much in Baxterâs would-be torrid biography, his claimsâsometimes wild and unfounded, casting his subject as a pathological maniacâshould be taken with a grain of salt. True, Ballard often found himself left to the company of his imagination, but the fact is his early boyhood was reasonably happy and duly pampered. Not until the breakout of war and the internment of the International Settlement residents by the Japanese did he feel a disaffection toward his parents. It would last their entire lives. There never seemed to be a major falling out, but Ballard remained ambivalent about them. Shortly before the end of his life, he divulged: âI think I have to face the fact that I didnât really like them very much. I tried in my earlier fictionâand in my earlier life ⌠to maintain a kind of neutral stance, particularly towards my mother. I mean it is perfectly possible she wasnât a very nice human being; I donât think she was. I donât think either of them had that big an influence on me. One habit Iâd learned from the war was that Iâd have to look after myselfâ (âMarinatedâ).
Ballard mentions James Sr.âs interest in science and science fiction in Miracles, underscoring his esteem for H. G. Wells and his belief in âmodern science as mankindâs saviourâ and âthe power of science to create a better worldâ (8, 43). Itâs tempting to read his fiction as a reaction to or revolt against the proverbial Law of the Father. After all, the fiction, while far more positive and hopeful than it has been given credit for, customarily extrapolates âscienceâ into various internal and external architectures of dystopia. Ballard was adamant about the ways in which science had become a fictional enterprise. In 1968 he suggested that the social and psychological sciences are âthe major producers of fiction. Itâs not the writers anymoreâ (âInterview,â Storm 17). His father came from a generation whose ideology of optimism deliquesced in the wake of two world wars. James Sr.âs belief in the primacy of science belonged to the nineteenth century and the Victorians, who had yet to experience the technological horrors initiated by the Great War. In contrast, his sonâs beliefs reached for the future and the consumer-capitalist media technologies that would unhinge the studios of reality and desire.
PREWAR SHANGHAI
Ballard accentuates the capitalist dog-eat-dog way of life that dominated the âbright but bloody kaleidoscope that was Shanghaiâ (Miracles 6). As a boy, with one eye he witnessed great wealth and comfort, with the other the deepest and darkest blight. It wasnât uncommon for him to see corpses littering the pavement. âChinese roamed the streets of Shanghai, ready to do anything to find work. Every morning when I was driven to school I would notice fresh coffins left by the roadside, sometimes miniature coffins decked with paper flowers containing children of my own age. Bodies lay in the streets of downtown Shanghai, wept over by Chinese peasant women, ignored in the rush of passers-byâ (14). Civil war, floods, and famine had driven millions of peasants from their villages to Shanghai. âUnlimited venture capitalism rode in gaudy style down streets lined with beggars showing off their sores and woundsâ (5).
Shanghai struck him as an oneiric and mystical society, much as England did later, but for different reasons. He always asserted that his fiction was, first and foremost, an invention, yet he wasnât reluctant to discuss the real-world experiences and phenomena that informed it. Reality itself proved to be an evolving fiction, and in a way, his novels and stories merely channel their own essence. All told, Shanghai was âa self-generating fantasy that left my own little mind far behind. ⌠I think a large part of my fiction has been an attempt to evoke it by means other than memoryâ (6).
Ballard attended a prestigious boysâ school affiliated with the Holy Trinity Cathedral, an English-speaking Anglican church. The Japanese invaded in 1937 and established a stranglehold on Shanghai, inaugurating the Second Sino-Japanese War. They left non-Chinese residents alone, and life in the International Settlement continued as usual adjacent brutal fighting in the countryside just a mile from the Ballardsâ home (24). They fled and rented a house in the French Concession, which was not part of the International Settlement and better insulated from warfare. The sneak attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 ushered Japan into the World War with Europe and America. That same month, the Japanese occupied the International Settlement, and by 1943 they had detained British expatriates and other civilian Allies in internment camps. The Ballards entered one such camp, Lunghua Civil Assembly Centre.
LUNGHUA
On the grid of Ballardâs personal and narrative life, Lunghua is a seminal coordinate. It is the primary setting for Empire of the Sun, his most widely read and bestselling novel, and it is the traumatic kernel for the alienation, violence, dehumanization, and psychological terror that flares up again and again in his fiction. Iâm disinclined to make any allegations about the state of Ballardâs actual psyche. I will submit to Umberto Rossiâs argument that âthe suggestion remains that J. G. Ballardâs mindâand the minds of his fictional alter egosâis a battlefield, a complex psychological landscape of violent images, memories and histories, some of which are real and some of which are fictionalâ (âMindâ 68). If this is the case, surely the greater part of that landscape owes a debt to Lunghua and what the young Ballard experienced during his internment.
Located several miles from the city, Lunghua was a middle school and former university campus that had been damaged earlier in the war. It encamped nearly two thousand people, mostly European and American civilians. There wasnât much to the complex. As Baxter explains in his biography, it consisted
of seven three-storey concrete buildings, with three large wooden barracks, standing on an area of open ground. ⌠The surrounding land, so flat you could see the distant towers of Shanghai, was paddy fields, infested with mosquitoes. The most visible landmark, a Buddhist pagoda, with a giant and threatening statue inside, bristled with anti-aircraft guns to protect the nearby airfield. In addition to installing a barbed-wire fence around the camp, the Japanese refurbished fifty-nine dormitories to house about a dozen individuals each, and 127 family rooms. (21)
This is similar to the way Ballard describes the layout of Lunghua in a 1975 interview and Miracles (58) as well as Empire of the Sun. Each description evokes a sense of desolation, wilderness, and looming violence. In Ballardâs memory, though, Lunghua was a playground and, ironically, a site of literal and imaginative freedom. He loved it. For two and a half years, he lived in relative happiness.
I thoroughly enjoyed my nearly three years in Lunghua camp. It was a huge slum, and the people who really relish life in a slum are of course the teenage boys. They run wild. I ran wild. I was totally out of the control of my parents. And thatâs why I left them out of Empire of the Sun when I came to write the book, because it wasnât psychologically true to have had my parents in the novel. To all intents and purposes in Lunghua camp between the ages of twelve and fifteen, I was a hooligan. (âMementoâ 276)
Ballard didnât skulk through the camp in a gang like the teenage droogs of Anthony Burgessâs A Clockwork Orange (1962). His âhooliganismâ consisted mainly of innocuous horseplay with other boys, playing chess with bored internees, bartering for copies of popular magazines from American sailors, snatching the odd sweet potato, and so forth. He attended school regularly, and there were rules and discipline for children in the camp, but not like there had been in the International Settlement. Ballard gained a sense of independence and autonomy that few children his age ever experience. Coupled with the atrocities he was exposed to, it changed him dramatically, forcing him into an early adulthood.
Unlike his elders, he didnât mind the ramshackle state of the camp, which worsened over time. Food and water, on the other hand, concerned everybody. He didnât starve to the extent of his protagonist in Empire of the Sun. The denouement of his actual internment wasnât as apocalyptic as the novelâs either. But he was often hungry, and rations steadily depleted as the Japanese lost footing in the war. Near the end, there was almost no food left. Melancholy and despair accompanied a fear that the Japanese would close the camp and execute everybody in it. Then, one day in August 1945, the internees awoke to find that the Japanese militia had fled during the night. By September the Ballards had returned to 31A Amherst Avenue. Shanghai was an eerily different place. No longer a multicultural, futique, mediatized city of excess, it became an insignia of âthe strange surrealist spectacles that war producedâ and a reminder that âthe unrestricted imagination [is] the best guide to realityâ (Ballard, âNothingâ 384).
âRETURNâ TO ENGLAND
In November 1945, Ballard, his sister, and his mother traveled by ship to England. His father stayed in Shanghai and resumed his job with the CPA for several years before joining them. Ballard expected to return to and live in Shanghai when it was rebuilt, but it wouldnât be until 1991, in his sixties, that âShanghai Jimâ would see his birthplace again.
Contrary to the self-history Ballard spun (or allowed to be spun), his âreturnâ to England, according to shipping records, was not the first time he had been there. The Ballard family visited England for an extended stay in 1934 (when he was three years old) and again in 1939 (when he was eight and attend...