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Introduction:
Towards an Archaeology of Place
ÖMÜR HARMANŞAH
Places are small, culturally significant locales that exist within a landscape. They are meaningful to specific cultural groups through everyday experience and shared stories associated with them. Places therefore gather a vast range of things in their microcosm: both animate and inanimate entities, residues, materials, knowledges, and stories. The material residues and cultural associations that cluster around places run deep in their temporality. In a remote spring site named İvriz in south central Turkey, at the northern foothills of the Taurus Mountains, an impressive relief and an inscription were carved on a living rock surface during the Middle Iron Age (eighth century B.C.). The site was clearly sacred to the local Weather God of the region (namely, Tarhunzas), and was incorporated into the state politics of the local king Warpalawaš who sponsored the monument with Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions and a monumental depiction of his encounter with the deity (Figure 1.1). The site later continued to be populated with small rock-cut altars, stele monuments, and the carving of other rock reliefs. We hear from the seventeenth-century Ottoman traveller and geographer Katip Çelebi, who gave a description of the still-standing rock relief in his Cihannüma, and spoke about the site as “the spring of the prophet” – a site of healing and pilgrimage (Harmanşah, 2014). This continued sanctification of the site in the early modern period clearly derives from its power as a place of long-term cultural practice, its miraculous local geology of water gushing out of the bedrock, and the layered material and visual corpus at the site.
Places are then generated and maintained by a spectrum of locally specific practices, from the situated activities of daily users of space, on the one hand, to the grandiose interventions of the political elite on the other. Combined, these social practices continually produce hybrid material forms and spatial configurations over time, and anchor communities to particular locales with a sense of cultural belonging. They become assemblages of shared memories, always pregnant for improvised events, despite the common essentialist notion of local places as static or conservative. Places thus serve as meaningful nexuses of human interaction, and as sites of immediate everyday experience. Thomas J. Csordas (2002: 2) provides a concrete and very useful definition of experience as “the meaningfulness of meaning, immediate both in the sense of its concreteness, its subjective openness, its breakthrough to the sensory, emotional, inter-subjective reality of the present moment; and in the sense in which it is the unmediated, unpremeditated, spontaneous and unrehearsed upwelling of raw existence”. The unmediated experience of place then allows an immersed, embodied interaction between persons and places, between human bodies and local geologies. This book explores precisely this relationship in a variety of landscapes and historical contexts across the ancient world(s).
Figure 1.1. Rock relief of Warpalawaš at Ivriz, Turkey (author’s photograph).
On the grounds of new advances in landscape archaeology, spatial theory, analytical map-making technologies, and environmental research, archaeological field practices have recently leaped forward in their increasingly rigorous methodologies of addressing the temporal, spatial and material complexity of places, and have been adopting site-specific, locally nuanced surveying techniques. For example, more and more attention is paid to extra-urban sites such as rock-cut monuments, sacred springs, cairns, mountain-top sanctuaries, caves, quarries, mining sites, rural shrines, and water mills, which are often missed or understudied in standard surface survey projects that prioritize identifying settlement sites (Bradley 2000; Brady 2005; Zedeño and Bowser 2009). Such unusual locales challenge the traditional understanding of an archaeological site and therefore are often construed as marginal or epiphenomenal to the main structures of settlement in the landscape. Marginal places are studied or seen through the lens of imperial or multi-regional networks, while they are often literally imagined as border monuments or territorial markers. Another methodological problem with the study of such extra-urban or “landscape” monuments (rock reliefs, rock-cut tombs, spring monuments, etc.) is the long-held scholarly focus on the representational and epigraphic content of such monuments. Pictorial or iconographic analysis of rock reliefs have traditionally received attention for art-historical purposes, while the epigraphic content of their inscriptions are treasured for their contributions to the historical geography of various regions, because of the valuable site-specific information they provide. Rarely are these monuments considered as archaeological places in and of themselves, as locales of cultural practice and social memory, as repositories of material residues (Zedeño and Bowser 2009). Studying such places from archaeological, rather than historical or art historical, methodologies and interpretative perspectives opens up fresh ground for the production of new forms of knowledge. In fact, Laurent Olivier’s groundbreaking, manifestolike work The Dark Abyss of Time (2011) has pointed out that archaeology’s strength comes from its being a discipline of memory rather than history, and therefore it is most suited to address the complex temporality of places of human experience, and places here are considered to be live presences in the contemporary world and not belonging to a fossilized, objectified past of canonical history.
Dissatisfied with past methodological limitations, archaeologists are beginning to address questions of long-term practice whereby the significance of place in the collective imagination and social memory continuously shifts. The political appropriation of particular local practices by the ruling elite introduces monumentality and state spectacles to these always already significant sites of cultural practice, while they are used, reused, and reconfigured by different cultural groups. Meaningful places are also often discussed in relation to bodily performance and movement through the landscape, perhaps best exemplified by ritual processions, state spectacles, and commemorations, as well as pilgrimages that constitute active routes linking places to broader networks of settlement and ecologies of dwelling (Inomata and Coben 2006).
This edited volume is the outcome of a workshop/colloquium that took place at Brown University’s Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology and the Ancient World in March 2008, with the title Drawing on Rocks, Gathering by the Water: Archaeological Fieldwork at Rock Reliefs, Sacred Springs and Other Places. That event was intended to bring together academics who worked on similar questions concerning archaeological landscapes across the globe and specifically to focus on the making and unmaking of places of human interaction such as rock reliefs, sacred springs and lakes, cairns, ruins, and other meaningful places. The colloquium also provided a platform to discuss the experiences, the challenges, and the theoretical implications of working in the field and specifically at such unusual sites and landscapes. The intention was to bring to the table new archaeological perspectives on working at geologically and culturally distinctive locales where the particular geologies are encountered and uniquely reworked by local practices. It has been a long time since that gathering took place at Brown University’s MacMillan Hall of the Geological Sciences, where a fairly small group of speakers and their discussants came together and were accompanied by a select and very alert audience. The format of the gathering was relatively unusual: six main speakers were invited to deliver substantial papers that were pre-circulated a few weeks ahead of the gathering to the group and the discussants. Each paper met its first challenge with a response from its discussant that immediately followed the delivery of the paper. The open forum discussions that followed each of these twin papers were intellectually provocative and constructive. In this edited volume, we have attempted to reflect, if not strengthen, this format by incorporating not only those six original papers, but also several short creative responses to those papers, some of which emerge from the responses delivered at the colloquium, while additional commentators were solicited in its aftermath. This is partly the reason why the publication of the volume has taken such an unusually long time. The book attempts to replicate the intellectual enthusiasm as well as the collegial and collaborative energy of the 2008 Drawing on Rocks colloquium.
Several of the contributions to the volume call into question the Cartesian bifurcation of the world into natural and cultural landscapes, while demonstrating through various case studies how such reductive splitting simply does not work when one deals with what Richard Bradley (2000) has famously called “the archaeology of natural places”. In their contribution, Lisa Lucero and Andrew Kinkella introduce the idea of a highly animated sacred landscape where the nature-culture dichotomies collapse. Karstic features such as caves, springs, cenotes, and bodies of water function as portals into the underworld among the classical Maya, similar to beliefs within the rest of the Mesoamerican world (Garrison, this volume) and the Anatolian cultural imagination during the Late Bronze Age (Harmanşah, this volume). At Cara Blanca in central Belize, a fascinating landscape of 23 water bodies (cenotes and lakes) where one finds much fertile agricultural potential and an abundance of water sources, the apparent absence of dense settlement is explained by what Lucero and Kinkella calls “the absence of the profane” – a certain decorum or ethics of dwelling that limited the exploitation of sacred landscapes among the classical Maya. Mayan architecture’s mimetic embodiment of the karstic features of the sacred landscape even further supports the argument about the ambiguity between what is man-made and what is natural or supernatural. These karstic features and their architectural counterparts served as sites of ritual action where offerings were made to various divinities in the form of specially decorated ceramic vessels and other ritual objects. Lucero and Kinkella’s field project at Cara Blanca presents us with an extraordinary example where an archaeological sensitivity to meaningful places and symbolically charged landscapes allows an alternative, nuanced understanding of a landscape that is otherwise classified as an anomaly according to strictly systematic, place-blind survey methods. Ashmore’s brief review of places and place-making in ancient contexts situates Lucero and Kinkella’s work into the broader context of the archaeology of places. Her critical perspective brings questions of memory, politics of place, movement (especially processions and pilgrimage) and experience into the picture. Thomas Garrison in his contribution elaborates on how caves, specifically, occupied the geographical imagination of mythical places of cultural origins, conceptualized as earth monsters, or served as canvases for pictorial representation among various Mesoamerican communities, for whom natural, modified, and man-made caves go beyond serving as sites of ritual activity.
Rock reliefs are images and inscriptions carved on living rock surfaces at symbolically charged, culturally significant, and/or geographically strategic locations in the landscape, and they constitute the main subject of research in several of the articles in this volume (Canepa, Ullmann, Harmanşah, Glatz, Robinson, Mousavi, and Straughn). From Bronze and Iron Age local communities of the Zagros mountains and the Akkadian kings of southern Mesopotamia, to Egyptian, Elamite, Hittite, Assyrian, and Persian rulers of antiquity, the practice had long-term application in the landscapes of the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean world. Likewise, for the Sasanian elites of Iran, carving ideologically charged and visually powerful images and inscriptions on rock surfaces at prominent extra-urban locations has been a technology of place-making and landscape politics in Western Asia. Canepa (2009:57–78, 2010, this volume) understands rock reliefs as a powerful tool in constructing what he calls “topographies of power” and discusses the visual, spatial and ritual significance of rock reliefs as site-specific royal monuments. Remarkable in their claim to permanence in the landscape and their ambitious attempt to speak to future generations through what is carved onto the living rock, temporal longevity of rock reliefs oddly allows the authors of such durable monuments to establish particular relationships with the past and construct heritage landscapes of their own. As man-made features carved into the geology of place, rock reliefs appropriate the power of the place and the temporality of geological processes, entering a mimetic engagement with “nature”. However, rock reliefs are rarely studied in relation to their local geological or micro-regional contexts, therefore their temporal and material complexity as archaeological places is usually ignored. It is precisely this methodological and theoretical bias that the papers in this volume choose to challenge.
Canepa’s contribution reviews the long tradition of rock reliefs in Iranian history from the Lullubi of the Zagros to the Achaemenid Persian dynasts. Instead of blindly focusing on the iconographic or historical aspects of the monuments, Canepa presents insights into the local and regional landscapes and architectural ensembles into which the rock reliefs were placed. What is striking about these sites is how new Hellenistic and Sasanian reliefs were carved at deeply historical sites of the Achaemenid heritage and how such new carving events constitute performative engagements with the local manifestations of the Persian past. Rock reliefs are then simultaneously futuristic utopias that project themselves into an anticipated future while engaging deeply with the historical topographies of power. According to Canepa, rock reliefs introduce a certain form of performativity to particular sites of religious significance, state power, and ritual practice in the context of Iranian landscapes over a long period of time. As for the state performance, rock reliefs offered an excellent medium to present tp its publics the “eternal and natural order of things” and to take over new territories with the perfect colonial metaphor and material practice of inscribing conquered landscapes (Canepa, this volume). Ian Straughn, as a profound storyteller, articulates the relationship between monuments built for eternity and their medieval afterlife – in particular, the architectural heritage politics of ruined monuments in early Islam. Straughn points to the methodological insufficiency and theoretical laziness of announcing a place as a site of memory, and leaving issues at that, but invites us to do the hard work, the retelling of the stories of ruined monuments highlighting their nuanced past, and political contesta...