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Photography as Social Agency
SINCE THE 1930S, PHOTOGRAPHERS AND clients in present-day Mali have collaborated on the construction of self-identity, social memory, and local conceptions of modernity. Through the creation of portraiture and reportage imagery, their engagement with the medium has been integral to the development and dissemination of contemporary cultural values and processes of transculturation. New ideas and practices have been shared via the production and exchange of images, and those already established have been reinforced or challenged, inspiring visual dialogue across social strata for generations. To understand these dynamics within an appreciation of the local significance, meaning, and aesthetic intents of photographic images produced in Mali during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, photography is considered here in terms of fadenya and badenya, principal concepts derived from indigenous theories of social action that are intimately bounded to local aesthetic values.1
Fadenya and Badenya: Social Theory and Cultural Logic
As with all theories and philosophical concepts, badenya and fadenya encompass a complex web of meanings that can be understood in a variety of ways, dependent on context and interpreter. Derived from the practice and cultural concept of polygamy, badenya literally translates as âmother-child-ness,â an idea that refers to the camaraderie, loyalty, and respect among children who have the same mother and father (Bailleul 2000a, 20). This notion emanates from sinjiya, the bond that is formed between siblings who share the same breast milk, which signifies a strong physical connection as well as one that is emotional, psychological, and even spiritual (M. SidibĂ© 2004). Fadenya is translated as âfather-child-ness,â a concept that refers to the competition, rivalry, and jealousy that often occurs among siblings who share a father but have different mothers (Bailleul 2000a, 119). It describes the competition among cowives for a husbandâs resources and affection, which carries with it similar dynamics among their offspring (M. SidibĂ© 2004; K. SidibĂ© 2004; C. KeĂŻta 1996, 98; A. B. KonarĂ© 2000, 19).2 This idea is addressed in cloth called n sinÉmuso nyÉ-jugu, or âmy cowifeâs evil eyeâ (fig. 3.1),3 and n tÉ siran n sinÉmuso nyÉ, meaning, âIâm not afraid of my cowifeâ (fig. 3.2), worn by women in portrait photographs taken by Seydou KeĂŻta (Y. T. CissĂ© 1997, 273â75).4
Figure 3.1. Seydou KeĂŻta, Untitled (portrait of a woman wearing cloth called âmy cowifeâs evil eyeâ), c. 1954â60. Gelatin silver print, 23 Ă 19 inches. Courtesy CAACâThe Pigozzi Collection. Seydou KeĂŻta/SKPEAC.
Within the context of society at large, fadenya and badenya help illuminate the fluidity of power, mutual affectability, and dialectic tension existing between individuals and social groups. To this end, Martha Kendall and Charles Bird discuss fadenya and badenya as a social theory of inertia in which fadenya is associated with âcentrifugal forces of social disequilibrium: envy, jealousy, competition, self-promotionâanything tending to spin the actor out of his established social field.â Alternately, badenya is aligned with âthe centripetal forces of society: submission to authority, stability, cooperation, those qualities which pull the individual back into the social massâ (Bird and Kendall 1980, 15). Essentially, fadenya is understood as individual competitiveness and the struggle to build oneâs identity and reputationâtraits often associated with youth.5 Although potentially divisive, these characteristics can harbor fundamentally positive and necessary social benefits. In the words of Malick SidibĂ©, âFadenya came to put heart into [people], to motivate [people]. That is good fadenya. That brings work [and] progress. On the negative side of fadenya, there is selfishness and egoismâ (M. SidibĂ© 2004). His colleagues Adama KouyatĂ© and Abdoulaye KantĂ© concur: âThe true definition of fadenya is competition, in the bad sense. [However,] fadenya [can be] a good thing. It elicits motivation and changeâ (A. KouyatĂ© 2004b). In KantĂ©âs words, âFadenya brings revitalization [to the community]. It is good. It allows men to advance. Without competition, there is no development. . . . On the bad side, competition often leads to hateâ (Abdoulaye KantĂ© 2004). Inversely, badenya is interpreted as communal cohesion, societal obligation, and the quest for social stability, harmony, and prosperity. Adama KouyatĂ© explained, âBadenya is communion, unionâ (A. KouyatĂ© 2004). Papa KantĂ©âs son, Abdoulaye, described badenya as âvery important; [representing] the good side of societyâ (Abdoulaye KantĂ© 2004). Ideally beneficial and supportive, when unchecked these qualities can promote stagnation and stifle individual creativity. Recapitulated by SidibĂ©, âBadenya is real [unity and] fraternity. [But] badenya is also restraintâ (M. SidibĂ© 2004).
Figure 3.2. Seydou KeĂŻta, Untitled (the woman on the right is wearing cloth known as âI am not afraid of my cowifeâ), c. 1952â55. Gelatin silver print, 23 Ă 19 inches. Courtesy CAACâThe Pigozzi Collection. © Seydou KeĂŻta/SKPEAC.
Thus, in this system both concepts and their respective qualities are needed for all parties to excel: The society depends on individuals to invoke change and challenge stagnation. Individuals rely on the structure and stability of the community to provide support and validationâthe enabling factors for their success in life. Understood in this way, fadenya and badenya comprise a theoretical model of social action developed to interpret and understand social tensions and relations of power exercised via individual and communal agency.6
As such, fadenya and badenya speak to Western theories of social action, such as Georg Simmelâs conception of conflict and Anthony Giddensâs notion of structuration and praxis (Simmel 1955, 13â21, 54â72). For Giddens, structuration is a theory of action that explores âcomplex agency,â or the âpower relations of autonomy and dependence,â that exist between individuals and society. In other words, structuration recognizes the âmutual dependence of structure and agencyâ in human social life. Giddens explains, âStructure [in this sense] is regarded as rules and resources recursively implicated in social reproduction: institutionalized features of social systems that have structural properties [such] that relationships are stabilized across time and space. . . . Agency refers to an individualâs power to act. . . . [Because] all social actors, no matter how lowly, have some degree of penetration of the social forms which oppress them, agency implies powerâ (Giddens [1979] 1990, 69â73, 85â95; 1984, xxiâxxxi). Giddens describes praxis as the production and reproduction of social systems through the repeated actions of individuals (Giddens [1979] 1990, 4â5; 1984, xxiâxxxi).
Like structuration and praxis, fadenya and badenya address complex agency and interdependence among individuals and social institutions. Furthermore, these dynamics and their associated ideals are constantly reproduced and manifested in individualsâ mundane interactions. In this vein, Adama KouyatĂ© has said, âFadenya and badenya is the daily life of Mali. It is our patrimonyâ (A. KouyatĂ© 2004b). Beyond the scope of Western theories, the aptness of fadenya and badenya to studies of photography in Mali is twofold: First, the concepts are endemic, arising from the same contexts as the photographs and their subjects, and are applied within local discussions of photographic processes and content. Second, derived from Mande cultural logic, these ideas directly engage Mande aesthetics. This elusive and complex category, rife with nuance, is intimately bounded to and informs the arts in Mali, including photography. Therefore, an appreciation of fadenya and badenya is critical in order to understand the social significance of photographic production in Mali since the mid-twentieth century.
Before embarking on an analysis of the visual expressions of fadenya and badenya in photographic imagery and their relevance for understanding photographersâ networks and professional dynamics, however, it is helpful to first discuss their significance in the broader contexts of social relationships and notions of personhood, or mogoya, among multicultural populations in present-day Mali (Jansen and Zobel 1996, 98â99).
Fadenya
According to Mande ideology, as Bird and Kendall have stated, every individual is born with a reputation largely determined by that of oneâs father âand by extension that of patrilineageâ (Bird and Kendall 1980, 14). To be successful in life, each person is expected to live up to or surpass that reputation and develop a unique name (togo) and admired individual identity (Johnson 1999, 16; Jansen and Zobel 1996, 99). As a result, a Mande proverb articulates I fa yâi faden folo, meaning âYour father is your first rivalâ (Bird and Kendall 1980, 14). Alternately, another proverb states Bee kâi fa ya baara ke, âAll should do their fatherâs workâ (Hoffman 2000, 59). In this regard, Malick SidibĂ© explained, âSome people think that it is ungrateful to be competitive with your father but, generally speaking, people want to surpass their father or at least do as well as heâ (M. SidibĂ© 2004). Thus, one foundational basis of self-identity, in addition to sibling rivalry, is competition with oneâs parent. This is generally the expectation for father-son relations. Particularly in cities, though, daughters may also strive to surpass their fatherâs accomplishments. Competition between mothers and daughters, however, is not as socially condoned or expected as father-son rivalry in part because relations with oneâs motherâregardless of the childâs genderâare conceptualized in terms of badenya more than fadenya. Malick SidibĂ© explained, âBadenya is more associated with the mother and fadenya is more associated with the father. In Africa, children think more of the mother than of the father. There is more jealousy with the father than with the motherâ (M. SidibĂ© 2004).
The following verse reiterates the expectation of father-son rivalry:
Malick SidibĂ© cited Malick Sitou, son of photographer Tijani Sitou, as an example of this productive aspect of fadenya, stating, âHe is jealous. He has fadenya. He wants to be [a successful photographer] like his fatherâ (M. SidibĂ© 2004). This competition serves several purposes. Among the most important is the inspiration for individual accomplishment and communal progress. For instance, SidibĂ© admitted he would be âhappyâ if his sons excelled beyond his success and had âthe courageâ to achieve renown in photography. However, illustrating a sense of fadenya competition among some of his colleagues and their descendants, SidibĂ© also said he would not be happy if someone elseâs son âpassed [him] byâ (M. SidibĂ© 2004). Father-son rivalry informs photographersâ mentoring practices as well. Several photographers have solicited colleagues to train their sons in the medium in the hopes that such training will be more productive, objective, and fair than it might be under their own tutelage. SidibĂ© explained:
By extension, this form of rivalry is manifested in generational competition, in which youth struggle to assert themselves and prove their capacities have surpassed those of their elders. Today, this is made explicit in the vernacular of young men who refer to Bamako (which is commonly translated as âthe back or spine of the crocodileâ in Bamanankan) as Bamada, meaning â...