Summary
Introduction: Our National Eating Disorder
Pollan sets out to answer a basic question: What should we have for dinner? But the question only seems simple. To answer it, we must sort through massive amounts of conflicting information and avoid countless products whose origins and ingredients are deliberately obscured.
How did we arrive at this place? Pollan pins the blame on âour national eating disorder,â and points to the recent demonization of wholesome, carbohydrate-rich foods, such as bread and pasta, as a primary example of the problem. Part of the confusion, he argues, stems from the fact that America is composed of so many different cultures and ethnicities. As a result, there is no âdeeply rootedâ food culture for Americans to draw on. People in France, Italy, Spain, and Japanâall wealthy industrialized countries with old food traditionsâdonât have this problem.
The Omnivoreâs Dilemma is an attempt to provide clarity. The book is driven by the premise âthat like every other creature on earth, humans take part in a food chain, and our place in that food chain, or web, determines to a considerable extent what kind of creature we are.â Pollan identifies three principle food chains of modern America: the industrial, the organic, and the hunter-gatherer. In each of the bookâs three parts, he follows one of these chains from beginning to end, from plant to meal, in an effort to understand the relationship between what we eat and how we interact with the natural world.
Need to Know: Research psychologist Paul Rozin first used the phrase âomnivoreâs dilemmaâ 40 years ago, but the concept appears in the works of 18th-century writers such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin. Throughout human history, the tension between our ability to eat anything nature has to offer and our awareness that some of those things will sicken or kill us has always created anxiety.
One: The Plant
Most people are unaware of the dominant and remarkable role that corn plays in the modern American food system. Industrially grown corn feeds beef cattle, chickens, dairy cows, and fish, and serves as the basis for an untold number of sweeteners and additives included in supermarket staples, such as mayonnaise, Coca-Cola, and salad dressing. All in all, byproducts of industrial corn can be found in approximately a quarter of the products in the typical American grocery store.
Cornâs preeminence is based on its biology and American history. Most plants during photosynthesis create compounds that have three carbon atoms. Corn, however, makes compounds with a fourth carbon atom, giving the plant an advantage in environments with high temperatures and scarce water. Corn is amazingly well-suited to the North American climate: In New England it saved the colonists after their wheat harvests failed, to central Mexico, where cornâs ancestor, Zea mays, is believed to have originated. Itâs also an incredibly versatile grain. It can be eaten off the cob, turned into alcohol, ground into flour, and used as a commodityâcorn was both the currency traders used to buy slaves in Africa and the food the slaves ate during their passage to America.
Corn has benefitted enormously from the relationship with man. The plantâs unique biology makes it very difficult for it to reproduce on its own. (Female organs are contained inside the closed husk, which makes self-fertilization and wind-pollination, or âcorn sex,â as the author puts it, challenging.) Enter humans and their opposable, husk-opening thumbs. By opening up the husk and allowing the (male) tassel to mate with the flowers contained in the ear, we make it much easier for corn to reproduce. Eventually, humans began deliberately mating desirable corn plants together; this hybridization led to greater corn growth and successâand greater human reliance on the plant. Thus began the symbiotic relationship that has continued to this day.
Need to Know: Descendants of the Maya in Mexico refer to themselves as âthe corn peopleâ because the plant makes up such a large part of their diet, but recent research identifying carbon isotopes in human tissue reveals that modern Americans have more corn in them than their Mexican counterparts. According to one biologist, âwhen you look at the isotope ratios, we North Americans look like corn chips with legs.â
Two: The Farm
Pollan begins his dive into the industrial food revolution by going directly to its modern incarnation: a corn farm in Iowa. George Naylor is a curmudgeonly but colorful third-generation farmer. When Naylorâs grandfather began farming the land in 1919, he raised a variety of fruits, vegetables, grains, and animals (and some corn) on 320 acres. At the time, approximately one out of every four Americans worked on a farm. Fast forward to today, when grandson Georgeâone of the less than two million farmers left in the United Statesâgrows nothing but corn and soybeans on 470 acres. For all of his hard work, Naylor is barely scraping by, relying in part on his wifeâs office salary. Pollan wants to know: how did this happen?
He finds two main causes. The first is a bit paradoxical: efficiency. In the 1920s, farmers averaged around 20 bushels of corn per acre; thanks to advances in seed breeding and the development of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, some years Naylor gets 200. Over the years, the prospect of such a big harvest was too enticing to pass up, and the Naylor family began planting more and more corn on its property. The same goes for most of the other farmers in Iowa and neighboring states: livestock fences were pulled up, and fruit and vegetable plots and pastures became cornfields. An agricultural state with some of the richest soil in the world, Iowa nevertheless imports roughly 80% of its food.
The second major cause is government policy. New Deal farm programs set a target price for commodities such as cornâwhenever overproduction caused the market price to drop below that target, farmers could take a government loan in exchange for storing their corn until prices recovered. This had the effect of keeping supply (and thus prices) relatively stable. During the Nixon administration, however, the support system was restructured. Under the direction of Secretary of Agriculture Earl âRustyâ Butz, the government scrapped the loan program and started paying the difference between target and market prices directly to farmers. The new subsidies effectively encouraged farmers to overproduce, which contributed to a steady decline in corn pricesâwhich was the goal all along. Butz believed that large farms concerned chiefly with âagribusinessâ would both contribute to national food security and make US corn more competitive in overseas markets. Family farms collapsed or were consolidated into huge, industrial operations growing one or two crops. Our national glut of corn is the result, explains Naylor: âFarmers facing lower prices have only one option if they want to be able to maintain their standard of living, pay their bills, and service their debt, and that is to produce more.â
Need to Know: Fritz Haberâs invention of synthetic nitrogen exponentially increased crop yields and revolutionized farming. Haber won the Nobel Prize for his work in 1920, but has fallen into obscurity due to his connection to the German effort in World War I. He directed the...