Reporting the Second World War

Brian Best

• Publisher: Pen & Sword Military
• Year: 2015
• Print ISBN: 9781473834200
• eBook ISBN: 9781473870666
• Topic: Historia
• Subtopic: Segunda Guerra Mundial

After a slow start, the Second World War produced an enormous number of war correspondents. Correspondents like Ernest Hemingway, John Dos Passos and George Orwell were all inspired to put their experiences on the printed page. Hemingway and his wife, Martha Gellhorn, went on to cover the D-Day Landings and the final victory in Germany.The British Broadcasting Corporation was the first to use live broadcasts from the front. Encouraged by the RAF's favourable acceptance of Richard Dimbleby's commentary from the flight deck of a Lancaster bomber over Berlin, which was piloted by the legendary Guy Gibson VC, the public's reaction was overwhelmingly positive.Increasingly, war correspondents sought danger by flying bombing missions, parachuting with airborne forces and taking part in amphibious attacks against the enemy. Many were killed in plane crashes, by sniper fire and freak accidents. Several performed acts of bravery recognized with a 'Mentioned in Despatches' and in some cases, a gallantry award. As a consequence, many were killed the United States alone has a memorial dedicated to more than eighty. Although there was much 'purple prose' reporting, there was also some excellent writing, which has stood the test of time. To name a few such journalists like Alan Moorehead, Robert Sherrod, Richard Tregaskis, Osmar White, Martha Gellhorn and Chester Wilmot, who were all perceptive eyewitnesses to the world's greatest war.Reporting the Second World War is an in-depth account of the war, as seen through the newspapers of the day. It illustrates the momentous efforts of the correspondents and is a timely reminder of their dedication, skill and bravery in reporting the Second World War.

Chapter 1

The Spanish Rebellion – Prelude To War

The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War divided world opinion. The Right and the Catholics supported the rebellious military-led Nationalists as a bulwark against the expansion of Bolshevism. The Left, including the unions, student groups and intellectuals saw the democratically elected Republicans as an anti-Fascist shield. There were also clearer heads that saw the civil war escalating into another world war.

Britain maintained a position of strong neutrality and placed an embargo on the supply of arms to the point of sending warships to intercept shipments. In a move that has been mirrored in the recent civil war in Syria, the British Government made it a crime to volunteer to fight in Spain, but about 4,000 went anyway.

The Republicans were fragmented by several factions, including centrists who supported the weak liberal government, but who were bitterly opposed by socialists, anarchists and communists. They were reliant on volunteers who were heroic but untrained against professional soldiers.

The Nationalists were far more united and embraced the Fascist Falange Española, the religious conservative Carlists and the Monarchists. They also had the Army of Africa made up of the Spanish Legion and Moroccan Regulares, feared for their professionalism and brutality. With their experience of desert warfare suited to the open Spanish countryside, they were able to move swiftly from Seville to Madrid between August and November 1936.

Foreign press coverage was extensive and it was estimated a thousand correspondents and photographers were sent to cover the war. This was probably an exaggeration and a figure of one to two hundred was nearer the mark with journalists departing and being replaced. Many worked for more than one newspaper or bureau with most tending to gravitate to the Republican side of the fight. Initially this was because the censorship was less strict and the correspondents were largely free to go where they dared. Once armed with a pass to visit the front and supplied with a car and driver by the Ministry of War, the journalist was able to wander where he liked. This freedom brought its own danger with a front that was liable to change without warning. Several correspondents inadvertently found themselves in the Nationalists’ zone and were held captive.

This happened to Denis Weaver of News Chronicle and James Minifie of the New York Herald Tribune, who suffered the horror of watching their driver and escort executed in front of them, before being subjected to days of rough treatment and then expelled.

Another reason the correspondents tended to side with the Republicans was the deliberate bombing of civilians in the cities by the German and Italian air units sent to support General Franco’s Nationalists. There was also an initial feeling that the Republicans were fighting a just cause. Despite the efforts of the Soviet Union to create a Bolshevik satellite in Western Europe, the journalists continued in their support of the legitimate government. As the war dragged on, the continuing highjack by these ruthless elements caused disharmony, confusion and vulnerability.

Most of the foreign newspapers tended to favour the rebel Nationalists. Prominent amongst them were Lord Beaverbrook’s Daily Express and Lord Rothermere’s Daily Mail and Evening News. None was more supportive than Rothermere, the champion of Adolf Hitler and Oswald Mosley, who saw Fascism as the only antidote to Bolshevism.

Fewer correspondents covered the Nationalist side and they tended to be the more seasoned journalists like Noel Monks, Webb Miller, Francis McCullagh and The Daily Telegraph’s Percival Phillips. Phillips had an intimate knowledge of the situation, far more than he could possibly get past by the censors. He believed that most of the American and British correspondents who went to Spain were pro-Franco, but that Franco’s press bureau, run by the insufferable Luis Bolin, alienated most of them to the point where they became pro-government. Surprisingly, Bolin was particularly harsh towards the blatantly supportive Daily Mail’s Harold Cardozo, because Bolin’s articles had been turned down by the paper. Bolin had a positive genius for preventing news getting out and, in so doing, he actually hurt Franco’s cause. So much information was quashed that most of the correspondents would later publish their observations in books. Phillips had to rely on The Daily Telegraph sending a daily bulletin to keep him informed of the situation in Spain.

Phillips spoke about fellow correspondents:

‘I have met dozens of fellows who are in Barcelona and Madrid, and they told me that though there was hopeless confusion, they were always treated like brothers. Bolin’s opposite number isn’t dressed up like an officer… as a general rule he is a real journalist wearing civilian clothes and working hard in his office, and glad to see colleagues from London and New York. No need to wait three hours for an audience, and then be told that you must come back tomorrow: you just blow in through the open door of the office, and help yourself to a drink or a cigar if the censor is busy.’

Percival Phillips had been one of the Great War’s accredited war correspondents who covered events on the Western Front, for which he was knighted. He was a vastly experienced journalist covering all the major stories around the world. He accompanied the Prince of Wales on many royal trips and they became good friends.

Steadily he became disillusioned and frustrated by the constrictions to which he and his fellow correspondents were subjected. He was particularly alarmed to the extent that Germany and Italy had become involved, almost as a training ground for a greater conflict. He observed:

‘Spain had to import foreign mercenaries to fight for it, even in a civil war. Foreign artillery is blowing Spain to bits. Officials won’t let us mention Italians and Germans in our despatches, but they are here all the same.’

Ill health and depression forced him to request a letter of safe conduct from Bolin, which he refused to issue. Fearing that he was now not safe in Spain, Phillips managed to cross the border into Portugal and make his way to Gibraltar. Here he sent a despatch to the Telegraph dated 3 December 1936 reporting that he had observed a build up of German troops in nearby Algeciras. He also wrote that the Nazis were gaining control of the commercial exports from captured parts of Spain and seizing stocks of olive oil, oranges, wood, cork and iron as payment for the assistance they had offered Franco. Soon after, he collapsed with nephritis (disease of the kidneys) and was returned to London where he died.

Reporting on the Republican side for The Daily Telegraph was Henry Buckley, the resident correspondent. He had been assigned to Spain in 1929 and knew the politics and personalities of the main players in the war. He admired and disliked men from both camps and was not intoxicated by the romance of the anti-Fascist cause, unlike many fellow correspondents. Widely regarded as a truthful and humane reporter, he was befriended by most of the prominent war correspondents, including Ernest Hemingway. Small and self-effacing, Buckley was not an obvious candidate for friendship with the boisterous and alcoholically-boorish Hemingway. Yet he was described by the celebrated writer as ‘a lion of courage, though a very slight, even frail, creature with jittery nerves’.

Before the arrival of Ernest Hemingway and Martha Gellhorn to Spain, the glamour couple associated with the war were Robert Capa and Gerda Taro. Their real names respectively were the Jewish couple, André Friedman and Gerta Pohorylle. Lovers and photographic partners since 1934, they reinvented themselves by changing their names to overcome the increasing political intolerance towards Jews. They planned to sell their photographs through the fictious American photographer, ‘Robert Capa’, as a way of breaking into the lucrative American market. André Friedman, a native of Budapest, used his street nickname ‘Capa’, which means ‘shark’ in Hungarian. Pohorylle adopted the professional name of Gerda Taro after the Japanese artist, Tarõ Okamoto and the Hollywood actress, Greta Garbo.

Initially, they covered the war together until Taro gained some independence when her pictures were taken up by several important European publications. She refused Capa’s marriage proposal and began to commercialise her photos under a separate label. Popular publications like Life and the Illustrated London News used her photographs and she was in great demand.

On 25 July 1937, she was covering the retreat from the Battle of Brunete with her new lover, a Canadian journalist named Ted Allen, when she met her death. Hopping onto the running-board of a car carrying wounded from the battle, it was hit by a Republican tank that had lost control. Gerda Taro died the next day. In the climate of suspicion and political killings, it was suggested that she had been a victim of Stalin’s purge of communists and socialists in Spain not aligned to Moscow.

Robert Capa went on to become the outstanding photographer of the Second World War, but he is probably best known for the image of the ‘Falling Soldier’, taken early in the civil war. It is of a communist militiaman caught in the moment he was shot dead and was considered the iconic image of the war. In recent years, a debate about its authenticity has divided opinion, some saying that it was staged, while a recent Japanese documentary even suggests that it was taken by Gerda Taro.

The Nationalists quickly occupied about a half of the country, leaving the north coast, almost all the east coast and the central area around Madrid in Republican control. Franco’s forces were advancing on Madrid, which was not heavily defended, and if the capital had fallen, then it would have probably shortened the war considerably. Instead, they concentrated their efforts in lifting the Siege of the Alcázar in Toledo, south of Madrid. The military governor of the province refused the Republican government the munitions stored at the Alcázar, About 8,000 militia men were sent to seize the fortress but were met by about 800 Guardia Civil, 300 male civilians and 650 women and children who had barricaded themselves within the stone-built fortification. Armed with rifles, the defenders faced machine-guns, artillery and air attacks from 21 July until the siege was lifted on 27 September.

The 23-year-old South African correspondent, O’Dowd Gallagher, sent a report of the relief to the Daily Express dated 29 September. He was in a hotel in Talavera when a military officer walked into the dining room and was recognised as one of the Alcázar defenders. Dinner was forgotten as the man related his experiences:

‘For nearly two and a half months he had lived underground, on water, black bread as hard as the stones of the Alcázar itself, and twice a week on the flesh of mules or horses. Talking quickly, he told his story and answered the questions shot at him by the officers, among whom were some who led the relief columns.

There were 1,100 people capable of using arms in the Alcázar, he said, and all had signified their willingness to accept the leadership of Colonel Moscardó. It was soon obvious that the fight was going to be a long one. Provisions were rationed. Each had about a pint of water a day. Washing was strictly forbidden.

There were several attempts to undermine the Alcázar. A young officer kept watch on a high point to calculate the effect of each explosion. One day after a heavy mine had been blown he did not return. He was listed among those who had “disappeared”, meaning those who had been blown completely to pieces.

To the now silent officers in the dining-room the man from the Alcázar – almost a man back from the dead – told how the besiegers built up a battery of four guns only a few hundred yards from the Alcázar itself. They began to batter the ancient masonry and made great breaches. On some days women arrived to watch.

“I think they were from Madrid. They used to sit and drink wine; sometimes actually fire guns at us. They made it a sort of a holiday.”

The imprisoned occupants of the Alcázar were soon driven underground in the dungeons. In one comparatively small cellar beneath the eight-feet-thick walls seventy-five women and children spent four weeks without moving out. The man from the Alcázar told us: “constantly moving about were five pale-faced nuns and three doctors. They performed thirty amputations. There was not one case of infection, despite the tainted air in the dungeon hospital.”

The walls of this 400-year-old castle, from whose battlements bows and arrows and arquebuses were used, might have been built for modern warfare. They withstood the most violent bombardments and only crumbled after sustained short-range shelling.

One million cartridges were seized by officers of the Alcázar when the revolt began. Of these, 400,000 rounds were fired.

Normal food soon ran out, but the Alcázar was well stocked with grain. Women baked crude bread in the cellars, enough for one or two weeks at a time. When the siege began there were ninety-seven horses and twenty-seven mules within the walls. When it ended only one horse and five mules remained. The rest had been eaten.

Several times insurgent airplanes dropped stores to the defenders. At first the defenders feared the provisions had been dropped by government machines and that they were poisoned. A young chemist in the Alcázar analyzed the food and declared it wholesome.

Though unable to communicate with the outside world the defenders heard radio war bulletins given out by Lisbon. Sometimes a jazz programme was turned on; then the younger people danced and sang among the ruins.

‘When the garrison was relieved they had to leave through some second-floor windows and stumble to the ground level over tons of shattered rock.’

Another journalist covering the Nationalist side was The Times correspondent, Harold ‘Kim’ Philby, already recruited as a Soviet agent. He was also reporting to British intelligence who, like their Soviet counterpart, wanted information of the new Messerschmitt Bf109 fighter and the Panzer tank which was deployed by Franco’s forces. Philby passed on to MI6 that he had been personally assured by Franco that German troops would never be permitted to cross Spain to attack Gibraltar.

For their part, the Soviet NKVD asked Philby to check for weak points in Franco’s security and to initiate an assassination, a suggestion t...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• Prologue
• Chapter 1: The Spanish Rebellion – Prelude To War
• Chapter 2: The Early Days
• Chapter 3: 1940 – The Collapse of Europe
• Chapter 4: 1940–41 – Britain Alone
• Chapter 5: Propaganda and the Media
• Chapter 6: Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean
• Chapter 7: The First Assaults on Mainland Europe
• Chapter 8: The Russian and Pacific Fronts 1941-42
• Chapter 9: Italy
• Chapter 10: Fight Back in the East
• Chapter 11: Bombing Correspondents
• Chapter 12: D-Day
• Chapter 13: Paris and the Race for the German Border
• Chapter 14: Arnhem
• Chapter 15: The Rhineland Campaign
• Chapter 16: Final Days
• Bibliography
• Notes