American Evangelicals

Conflicted on Islam

Ashlee Quosigk

• Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic
• Year: 2021
• Print ISBN: 9781350243231
• eBook ISBN: 9781350175600
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Christian Ministry
• Index: Social Sciences

Ashlee Quosigk explores the diversity of opinions within the largest religious group in the US – Evangelical Christians – on the topic of Islam. Evangelicals are often characterized as monolithically antagonistic toward Muslims. This book challenges that stereotype, exposing the sharp divides that exist among Evangelicals on Islam and examines why there is division. Drawing on qualitative research on two congregations in the US, as well as on popular Evangelical leaders, this book details the surprisingly diverse views Evangelicals hold on Muhammad, the Qur'an, interfaith dialogue, syncretism, and politics. This research is invaluable for providing a better understanding of what Evangelicals think, and why. This book also offers insight into why conflict exists and why Evangelicals differ, while advancing culture war theory and qualitative methods. Specifically, it explores differences in moral authority (assumptions that guide one's perceptions of the world) among Evangelicals and explains how these differences influence their views on Islam. The findings are relevant to religious relations worldwide as everyone appeals to moral authority, irrespective of their geographic location.

Chapter 1

Preparing for Battle

An Introduction to the Study

Religion is behind the violence and jihad we’re seeing in Europe, the Middle East, Asia, and here in this country. It’s a religion that calls for the extermination of “infidels” outside their faith, specifically Jews and Christians. It’s a religion that calls on its soldiers to shout “Allahu Akbar” (“God is Great” in Arabic) as they behead, rape, and murder in the name of Islam. Radical Islamists are following the teachings of the Quran. We should call it what it is.

—Franklin Graham

I was raised as an evangelical Christian in America . . . Islamophobic evangelical Christians . . . must choose. Will they press on in their current path, letting Islamophobia spread even further amongst them? Or will they stop, rethink and seek a more charitable approach to our Muslim neighbors?

—Brian McLaren

Introduction

At the height of the Covid-19 pandemic, the New York Times published an article titled “The Road to Coronavirus Hell Was Paved by Evangelicals” (Ernst, 2020; Stewart, 2020). The article, written by popular journalist Katherine Stewart, argues that Evangelicals are to blame for America’s “incompetent response” to the virus. Stewart depicts Evangelicals as dangerous religious nationalists who deny science and willfully ignore facts. Evangelical Christians (a particular subset within Christianity), who make up the largest religious group in America, have often been the scapegoat for societal problems, and most are aware of the disdain toward them from many outsiders (Brown, 2020; McMillan, 2013; Lindsay, 2007).

The late sociologist of religion Peter Berger argued that the “American intelligentsia” has looked down on and stereotyped the nation’s Evangelical population, which he regarded as the most dynamic element of the religious landscape in the United States (2010, 2008, 2006, 2002, 1999).¹ This stereotyping of Evangelicalism has been acknowledged by numerous other scholars of religion as well, including many specializing in Evangelicalism (Shields and Dunn, 2016; Yancey, Reimer, and O’Connell, 2015; Bean, 2014; Guest et al., 2013; Hutchinson and Wolffe, 2012; Needham-Penrose and Friedman, 2012; Elisha, 2011; Mitchell and Ganiel, 2011; Yancey, 2011; Hankins, 2009; Tobin and Weinberg, 2007; Lindsay, 2007; Marsden, 2006; Reimer, 2003; Smith, 1998; Noll, 1994). For example, Yancey (2011) found that between 40 and 50 percent of professors would be less likely to hire a prospective employee for their department if that candidate were either an Evangelical Christian or Fundamentalist Christian, and Tobin and Weinberg (2007) found that 53 percent of college professors surveyed admitted to having negative feelings about Evangelicals. Yancey, Reimer, and O’Connell (2015) argue that these types of negative opinions about Evangelicals are a result of the perception of Evangelicals as intolerant, politically/religiously conservative, antiscience, as well as less educated and low status (which serves as a boundary marker for the educational elite). They also found that academics studied were not only less likely to personally identify as a conservative Protestant but also likely to have less contact with them. According to Yancey, Reimer, and O’Connell, this lack of contact “may lead to an ignorance of conservative Protestants that feeds into negative stereotypes toward them” (2015: 331).

Dominant Western stereotyping of Evangelicalism tends to present all Evangelicals as one and the same: they are often typecast as backward, uneducated conservatives living in the Bible Belt of the southern United States, where they consume Fox News, pack a gun, idolize Donald Trump, use hate speech when discussing Islam, and protest abortion even while supporting the death penalty. Southern Evangelicals in particular have been depicted condescendingly as rural and anti-intellectual by much of the national media. These negative perceptions and stereotypes have not gone unnoticed by Evangelicals themselves. Many know that they are considered simpletons and/or extremists by outsiders, and Evangelicals often contrast their own views and actions against the stereotypes about Evangelicals (McMillan, 2013; Lindsay, 2007).

This book challenges these stereotypes. Although I do not deny that some Evangelicals fit well within the clichéd framework described earlier, my study seeks to shed light on the diversity and complexity of thought that exists within Evangelicalism. Beyond arguing about whether these specific stereotypes are accurate, I question to what extent any stereotype or description can accurately apply to Evangelicals as a whole.

The possibilities for analysis of Evangelical thought seem infinite. Thus, I have necessarily been selective in topics to examine. The findings presented in this book illustrate Evangelical diversity on a single topic, rather than providing a comprehensive picture of all possible diversity within this r eligious group. Specifically, I focus on illustrating the variety of attitudes held by various Evangelicals regarding Islam and Muslims. Drawing on my research and interviews with Evangelical leaders and congregants, this book details the—perhaps surprisingly—diverse views Evangelicals hold on Muhammad, the Qur’an, politics, and the relationship between Christianity and Islam. I demonstrate that Evangelicals are a varied group, that their thinking is often more complex than outsiders allow, and that stereotypes are often inadequate to capture who Evangelicals are and what they believe. In fact, Evangelical views diverge dramatically enough to have caused serious internal conflicts within this group. While many both inside and outside of Evangelicalism are well aware of the battles between Evangelicals and their larger culture, and between Evangelicals and Muslims, there is less awareness of the internal battles raging among Evangelicals. Disagreement among Evangelicals regarding how to understand and interact with Muslims is an example of one such battle.

Why Study Evangelical Attitudes toward Muslims?

Tension between Evangelicals and Muslims is not new: the two religions are founded on opposing exclusive truth claims that have long put the two religions at odds with each other. Islam, like Evangelicalism, is a monotheistic religion, usually believed to be based on revelations to the Prophet Muhammad in the seventh century after Christ. The two religions recognize many of the same prophets, and both hold Jesus in high esteem. But the religions also diverge significantly in a number of areas, perhaps most significantly on the question of who Jesus was (Muslims reject the Evangelical claim that Jesus is God) and how to best live a life pleasing to God.

While conflict between the two religions has existed for centuries, the United States is currently seeing escalating tensions between Evangelicals and Muslims. In the post-9/11 era many Evangelicals support the so-called war on terror, and that war has in turn worsened the relationship between Evangelicals and Muslims (Pew, 2019, 2017b). In addition, many are concerned about the influx of money to American universities from Saudi Arabia (some estimate Saudi gifts to be over $1 billion a year to US universities), and how the perceived repercussions that come with that money may alter the way Islam is portrayed in US institutions of learning (Sokolove, 2019). Adding to the tension between the two religious groups is the fact that Islam is attracting an increasing number of American converts, and sometimes these converts come directly from Christian circles. Like Evangelicalism, Islam is an evangelistic religion, meaning the religion encourages the faithful in its ranks to actively seek converts. While it is difficult to estimate how many people convert to Islam in the United States each year, the appeal of Islam is evident. A 2007 Pew report found that two-thirds of all converts to Islam in the United States come from Protestant churches (Pew, 2007). One US counterterrorism expert testified that 80 percent of prisoners who convert while in prison convert to Islam, and some studies estimate that between 30,000 and 40,000 American prisoners are converting to Islam each year in correctional institutions alone (Hirsi Ali, 2015; Waller, 2003; Dix-Richardson, 2002).

Not only are tensions between Evangelicals and Muslims already high, but there is also reason to think that the tensions are likely to continue. Christianity and Islam are already the world’s two most dominant monotheistic religious groups, and both are continuing to grow steadily. Peter Berger noted there to be two “particularly powerful religious explosions—resurgent Islam and dynamic evangelical Protestantism”—and he believed the growth of these two groups to have great global significance (Quosigk, 2016; Berger, 2008).² According to Pew population projections, Christians and Muslims are on track to make up an even greater majority share of the world’s population by 2060 than they do now (Pew, 2017c). Thus, whatever problems exist between these two opposing faiths are set to endure. Not only will the two groups be interacting more often and in more places, but their interaction will increasingly affect other religious groups, including the religiously unaffiliated (those who identify as atheist, agnostic, or have no particular religion), who “are projected to decline as a share of the world’s population” due to low birth rates (Pew, 2017c).

One of the ways Evangelical attitudes toward Muslims might impact others is at the polls. As one of the single largest religious groups in the United States, Evangelicals are a significant voting bloc and political force. Their thoughts about Islam can have significant social and political consequences, influencing US foreign affairs and immigration policy. For example, Evangelical support may have significantly influenced the restrictive travel policies proposed by Donald Trump in January 2017 at the start of his presidency—policies that were widely viewed as attempting to restrict Muslim travel in the United States. Pew found white Evangelicals to be more approving of these policies than other groups, and the push for restrictive policies toward certain Muslim-majority countries has encouraged sociologists to continue their exploration of the role of race in the 2016 election of Donald Trump. For example, sociologist Gerardo Marti argues that the “ban on Muslim refugees from entering the United States was a reflection of the racial bias” held by the Trump administration and that Trump’s views on terrorism and immigration can “certainly be tied to a Christian nationalist sentiment” (2020: 13, 241). Whitehead and Perry also noted the importance of Christian nationalism (a “cultural framework” that ties religious identity with race, nativity, citizenship, and political ideology), arguing that it was an important predictor of whether or not an Evangelical voted for Donald Trump in 2016 (2020: x).

The sheer size and influence of Evangelicalism make it imperative to have a clear understanding of who Evangelicals are and what they believe on nearly every topic, including Islam. Yet despite the importance of an accurate understanding of Evangelicalism’s relationship to Islam, there is a limited body of work on Evangelical Christianity and Islam in the United States. Few studies have examined American Evangelical attitudes toward Islam and even fewer use qualitative methods. Most studies use quantitative data, such as surveys, that is limited to rigidly definable variables, rather than more in-depth, less structured qualitative approach that examines thought patterns, reasoning, and motivations. Most of these studies simply encourage the typecast of Evangelicals as monolithically hostile tow ard Muslims.³ The internal variation and discussion among Evangelicals on topics related to Islam and about the way that contemporary Evangelicals should relate to Muslims is a story that is rarely, if ever, being told.

To address that lack, this book provides an in-depth exploration of how Evangelicals relate to Muslims and how Evangelicals view topics such as Muhammad, the Qur’an, interfaith dialogue, politics, and syncretism (the attempted blending of opposing religions) between Christianity and Islam.⁴ In particular, my work focuses on Evangelicals in the southern United States, the group of Evangelicals most strongly stereotyped as uneducated extremists. Through a rich assortment of stories and quotations, this study offers new insights into how Evangelicals think about Islam and how their views impact their politics and their social relationships. It demonstrates that Evangelicals are actually complex in their theological, moral, and political attitudes about Islam. In addition, it demonstrates that not all Evangelicals are resolutely opposed to Islam, as might be assumed based on dominant stereotypes; rather, Evangelicals advocate varying stances toward Islam. At one end of the spectrum are those who believe the Islamic religion to be inspired by the devil and who seek to convert Muslims, but on the other end are those who greatly admire Islam and even deem some aspects of Islam superior to Christianity. Many Evangelicals fall somewhere between these two extremes.

Furthermore, this book offers insight into why Evangelicals differ among themselves. Specifically, it explores the assumptions that guide individuals’ perceptions of the world, which are known as a person’s moral authority (e.g., orthodox authority such as the Bible or progressivist authority such as subjective intuition). It demonstrates how moral authority varies among Evangelicals and explains how Evangelicals’ moral authority influences their views on Islam. Correlating individuals’ opinions to their moral authority makes the findings applicable to Christian-Muslim relations worldwide as everyone appeals to moral authority, irrespective of their geographic location. My hope is that recognition of the differences in Evangelical thinking will enable a more sophisticated cultural conversation about Evangelicals and their relationship to Muslims, which can in turn lead to more accurate understandings and better conflict management.

The Theory behind This Book: Christian Smith’s Ingroup/Outgroup Hypothesis and James Hunter’s Moral Authority Argument

My research and analysis draw on established theories set forth by sociologists of religion. Theories are statements about how and why certain perceived facts about the world, particularly the social world, are connected. They are valuable because they help make sense of how and why certain phenomena are happening around us. Studies can be designed to test whether relevant theories apply to a given situation, and researchers can analyze the extent to which a theory may explain their research results.

In addressing the question of unity (or disunity) among Evangelical thought on Islam, I draw on the work of Christian Smith. In his work on subcultural identity theory, Smith laid out his “ingroup/outgroup hypothesis.” This theory holds that “intergroup conflict in a pluralistic context typically strengthens in-group identity” (1998: 113). In other words, if a group experiences a threat from or conflict with a source outside their group, their group will become more strongly unified. Applied to Evangelicalism and Islam, Smith’s theory suggests that the existence of conflict between Evangelicals and Islam should strengthen Evangelical identity and promote uniformity in Evangelical views of Islam. My work explores both the merits and limitations of Smith’s hypothesis as they apply to intra-Evangelical conflicts on Islam.

Anticipating that Evangelicals do not hold unified views on Islam, as Smith’s theory suggests they should, I employ a second theorist’s work to explore the reasons for such disagreement. James Hunter is best known for his popular culture wars thesis, which analyzed the emerging cultural polarization in the United States in the early 1990. Hunter’s thesis was further articulated and refined in later work exploring how the culture war has played out in the various eras, including in the present exploration of the relationship between science and morality (Hunter and Nedelisky, 2020; Hunter, 2019; Hunter and Nedelisky, 2018; Hunter and Fiorina, 2007; Hunter and Wolfe, 2006b). ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half-Title
• Series
• Title
• Contents
• List of Illustrations
• Preface
• Foreword
• Acknowledgments
• Abbreviations
• Chapter 1 Preparing for Battle: An Introduction to the Study
• Chapter 2 External Enemies and Internal Strife: A Historical Review of Evangelicalism and Its Conflicts
• Chapter 3 The Great Divide: Evangelical Identity and Conflicting Moral Authorities
• Chapter 4 Evangelical Leaders: Conflict and Diversity in Places of Power
• Chapter 5 Evangelical Congregants: Strife, Variety, and Moderation
• Chapter 6 Complexities of Evangelical Views on Islam: Comparative Perspectives of Leaders and Congregants
• Chapter 7 Making Sense of the Conflict: Where Do We Go From Here?
• Appendix 1: Qualitative Approaches: Justification of Methods and Data Analysis
• Appendix 2: Biographical Reflexivity, Researcher Identity, and Ethical Considerations
• Appendix 3: Additional Demographics and Level of Engagement with Muslims
• References
• Index
• Copyright