Mitchell et al. (2019) argued that discussions about SLA have always been influenced by broader and more general discussions about human learning. One such discussion is the so-called natureānurture debate. This debate raises an important question in response to the initial question, how do students learn languages? As Mitchell et al. put it, ā[h]ow much of human learning derives from innate predispositions, that is, some form of genetic pre-programming, and how much of it derives from social and cultural influences as we grow up?ā (p. 11). The classic text by Lightbown and Spada (2013) provided an excellent and detailed overview of various ways in which people have theorised and aimed to enhance language learning, whether as L1 (i.e., first language) or L2. Drawing on several of the key domains they explored, in what follows I outline three foundational but contrasting theoretical perspectives on learning. These have informed researchersā and educationalistsā thinking, not only about language acquisition, but also, more broadly, about the acquisition of any knowledge or skill:
Behaviourism
The psychological theoretical perspective known as behaviourism was particularly influential in the 1940s and 1950s, predominantly in the United States, and formed a strong basis for understanding how effective learning might be constructed and developed. It owed much to the work of Burrhus Frederic Skinner (1904ā1990), a well-known American psychologist, although the concept and its advocates predated Skinnerās work.
Experiments with rats and pigeons helped Skinner to formulate the notion of reinforcement. The experiments enabled him to determine that he could control the animalsā behaviour through introducing rewards and punishments. The animals quickly learned which behaviours led to rewards, leading to what Skinner termed positive reinforcement. When certain behaviours were rewarded, the behaviour was repeated (or strengthened). Conversely, behaviour that was not reinforced tended to be less frequently repeated over time (or became weakened). Punishment was designed to reduce unwanted behaviour or strengthen a preferred outcome. Skinnerās theory of reinforcement and punishment became known as operant conditioning based on rewards and sanctions.
With regard to L1 acquisition, traditional behaviourists believed that children come into this world as blank slates (tabula rasa) on which knowledge can be written. Their L1 is acquired as a result of imitation, practice, feedback on success and habit formation. From this perspective, children imitate the sounds and language patterns they are exposed to in the environments around them, and when they receive positive reinforcement on their language use, such as being praised for saying something, or obtaining something they want, the patterns of language that led to the successful communication become ingrained and habitual. If, for example, a young child wants to have a cup of milk, that child learns through imitation how to ask for the milk. When children are successful in getting what they ask for, this reinforces childrenās language use. They continue to imitate and practise the sounds and patterns until they form habits of correct language use that enable them to develop their language proficiency.
According to the behaviourist view, both the quality and the frequency of the language the child hears, alongside consistent reinforcement, are important. In other words, young children need to be presented with accurate quality language on a regular and consistent basis. It is only through frequently hearing and imitating accurate language that children can receive reliable reinforcement about their use of language and thereby succeed in acquiring language.
Translating the behaviourist perspective to the phenomenon of SLA, behaviourist-informed teaching approaches would be teacher-led and expository. In the behaviourist L2 classroom, the teacher would be the expert and leader who imparts knowledge and explains principles, for example, grammar rules and how they work. In this top-down approach, the students would sit passively, absorbing the knowledge that the teacher presents to them, and then practising the content through a range of activities such as grammar exercises, with positive reinforcement achieved through studentsā (accurate) performances. Important elements of classroom work would include drilling, repetition, memorisation and rote learning, with the teacher explaining and presenting examples of language that the students need to acquire, and providing feedback on language use. Thus, in a very real sense, a behaviourist view on SLA would be predicated on the necessity for teachers to teach students all that they need to know.
Lightbown and Spada (2013) noted that behaviourism appears to present a reasonable explanation for how children acquire aspects of their L1, particularly the more frequent or pedestrian aspects, and at the earliest stages of acquisition. The behaviourist view of language acquisition, and a behaviourist take on learning and instruction, do have a level of intuitive appeal, and there is no doubt that they can give us a partial explanation of language acquisition. Lightbown and Spada went on to assert, however, that behaviourism cannot offer a satisfactory explanation of how children acquire and demonstrate command of more complex grammatical features.
Innatism
The 1960s witnessed a move away from behaviourism towards a more cognitive approach that took into account learnersā ability to work things out for themselves, leading to a contrasting theoretical framework for language acquisition ā innatism. The innatist (or nativist) perspective owed a great deal to the work of the American theoretical linguist Noam Chomsky (1928ādate), who became āone of behaviorismās most successful and damaging criticsā (Graham, 2019, §7, para. 12).
Critiquing Skinnerās (1957) book on verbal behaviour, Chomsky (1959) made the assertion that the behaviourist perspective cannot account for what came to be known as āthe logical problem of language acquisitionā (see, e.g., Baker & McCarthy, 1981) ā or āthe fact that children come to know more about the structure of their language than they could reasonably be expected to learn on the basis of the samples of language they hearā (Lightbown & Spada, 2013, p. 20). That is, children might be exposed to parts of language ā sometimes...