Introduction
In the conclusion to his report, the Letter about the [way of] life of the Tartars, completed at the beginning of 1238,1 Dominican Friar Julian writes:
one Russian cleric, [who] recorded to us something from history from the Book of Judges, said that the Tartars were the Midianites, who, together with the Cethym, had descended upon the Sons of Israel, [and] had been defeated by Gideon, as it is told in the Book of Judges. Thus, the mentioned Midianites had fled [from there] and inhabited [places] near a river called the Tartar, that is why they are called the Tartars.2
It appears that Julianās remark about the Mongols being the godless Midianites was well known in Europe.3 Apart from the evidence from Rusā clerics that came down to us as part of Friar Julianās letter, we have information about a speech made by a certain Rusā archbishop [āarchiepiscopus Russieā], named Peter, at the First Council of Lyon in 1245.4 The information about the speech can be found in the records of Matthew of Paris, in the Burton Annals, and in the recently obtained manuscripts kept in Cambridge, Copenhagen, and Linz.5 The personality of Peter himself remains a mystery; scholars have held widely divergent opinions regarding his identity. Was he Peter Akherovich, hegumen of the Monastery of the Holy Saviour at Berestovo, who later became Metropolitan of Kiev,6 or was he the bishop of Belgrade?7 Did he come from Suzdal,8 Vladimir, or Riazan?9 Did he even exist?10 However, the most important thing is that the information about the Mongols presented to the Council of Lyon in 1245 by āPeter, a Rusā archbishopā and the information provided by the āRusā clericsā from Julianās letter obviously cited grim details of the eschatological prophesies from the Revelation of Pseudo-Methodius of Patara (hereafter, the Revelation). The Revelation is an apocryphal work, which describes the history of the world from its creation till the End of Times.
The conventional title of this work (Revelation of Pseudo-Methodius of Patara) reflects the past tradition of attributing the text to Methodius, Bishop of Patara in Lycia, who died at the beginning of the fifth century. However, doubts with regard to this attribution emerged already in the early eighteenth century. According to the contemporary point of view, this eschatological Apocrypha was written in the second half of the seventh century, either in North Mesopotamia or in Eastern Syria, in the Nestorian or Melkite communities, as a reaction to large-scale Arab conquests in the Near East.11 Soon enough, the text of the Revelation was translated into Greek. This translation is known in at least four recensions;12 it served as a basis not only for the Latin (the oldest copies date back to the eighth century) and Slavonic versions of the Revelation, but also for a specific branch of Byzantine apocalyptic literary tradition.
The text of the Revelation is logically divided into two parts. The first part, historical, starts from the Expulsion of Adam and Eve from Paradise. Then, the author writes about the Great Flood and the succession of Great Kingdoms, and gives two precursory prophesies about the exile of the Sons of Ishmael to the desert of āEthribā (Yathrib), and the godless peoples of Gog and Magog, confined between the high northern mountains by Alexander the Great. The first part ends with the confrontation between the Empire of Rome and the Turkic and Avarian tribes. In the second, prophetic, part, the author writes about the increasing sinfulness of Christians and the imminent emergence of the Ishmaelites from the desert of āEthribā, a tribe which will destroy a great many people for their sins and bring the entire world under their rule. But the king of Greeks will āawaken from his sleepā and put an end to the Ishmaelite yoke, and there will be peace. The tribulations, however, will not end there. The Great Gates of the North will open, and the armies of Gog and Magog will flood the world of the pious. The armies will be destroyed by the Angel; then the Antichrist, āthe son of perditionā, will emerge, but Christ will triumph over him on his Second Coming.
There is no doubt that the Rusā evidence about the Mongols as forerunners of the End of Times influenced the way they were perceived in Catholic Europe. However, not long before this part of the Christian universe looked with hope at the events in the East. Crusaders in the Holy Land listened with interest to the reports about the defeats suffered by the Saracens at the hands of some unknown enemy. Christians had interpreted that information as a sign pointing at the movement of the armies of the legendary King David. However, Matthew of Paris, in his record for the year 1238, already writes about ambassadors from the āOld Man of the Mountainā (the Nizaris), people who came to the King of France, āsent on behalf of the whole of the people of the Eastā, in order to ask for assistance against āa monstrous and inhuman race of menā, sent as a plague against humankind.13 The Alexandreis by Quilichino of Spoletto and the so-called letter of Al-Kindi, contemporaneous to this record, repeat the idea that the Mongols are the peoples of Gog and Magog, who had escaped from the Northern Mountains where they had been confined by Alexander the Great.14
However, the āRussian trailā is independent from the sources mentioned above. The Rusā archbishop Peter, described by Matthew of Paris, and the Rusā clerics whose information was used by Friar Julian and the Annals of the Abbey of Saint-MĆ©dard de Soissons,15 provide an accurate reference to the Revelation. They talk about the Ishmaelites expelled by Gideon and the Midianites, whose invasion is the first sign of the End of Times. Apart from the sources mentioned above, the Tartars are described in a very similar manner in the Annals of Tewkesbury Abbey,16 the Chronicle of Baldwin of Brabant,17 the Annals of SchƤftlarn Abbey on the Isar,18 and the Deeds of the Trevians (āGesta Treverorumā).19
The idea that Rusā evidence at some point influenced the way Europeans viewed the Great Western Campaign of the Mongols is not new and has been developed sufficiently in the historiography of Mongol campaigns.20 However, the first Rusā impression of the Mongols was recorded one and a half decades earlier than the time of Friar Julianās expedition. This evidence has a more accurate reference to Pseudo-Methodius and appears in the Tale of the Battle on the Kalka River (1223). The Tale is recorded in the oldest surviving Rusā chronicles. However, the question arises, how did these apocalyptic impressions appear in Rusā?
In this chapter, we are going to review how the apocalyptical image of the nomads emerged in the minds of Medieval Rusā and how it was used at the time of the first encounter with the enemy, who after the encounter, had not been seen near the borders of Rusā principalities for the next15 years.